영화제목은 박찬욱 감독에 손예진, 이병헌 배우 주연으로 라인업부터 핫한 어쩔수가 없다다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › entertainments › movie어쩔수가없다 이성민 뒷모습 노출씬 대역no, 저예요 인터뷰②. 어쩔수가없다가 베니스국제영화제를 뜨겁게 달궜다. 한국 영화가 베니스 경쟁에 진출한건 2012년 피에타 이후 13년만이라는 점에서도 의미가 큽니다. Osen종로, 연휘선 기자 인터뷰①에 이어 영화 어쩔수가없다의 배우 이성민이 극 중 뒷모습 노출씬 촬영 비화를 밝혔다.

Kr › News › View어쩔수가없다 손예진, 7년 만의 스크린 복귀작.

한국 영화가 베니스 경쟁에 진출한건 2012년 피에타 이후 13년만이라는 점에서도 의미가 큽니다.. 손예진박찬욱 감독의 신작 에서 손예진은 ‘25년 일한 제지공장’에서 실직한 남편 이병헌의 기를 살리고, 아이를 제대로 건사하고, 집안을 다시 일으키고 나름 발버둥치는 인물을 연기한다..

손예진 및 박찬욱 감독에 따르면 영화 속에서 이처럼 인상적인 활약을 보이는 미리의 캐릭터는 사실 처음에는 비중이 그리 크지 않았다.

이 자리에는 박찬욱 감독과 배우 이병헌, 손예진, 박희순, 이성민, 염혜란, 차승원이 참석했다. 어쩔수가없다감독 박찬욱는 삶이 만족스러웠던 회사원 만수이병헌가 덜컥 해고된 후, 배우 손예진이 22일 오후 서울 cgv용산아이파크몰에서 진행된 영화 어쩔수가 없다감독 박찬욱 언론배급시사회 및 기자간담회에 참석해 질문에 답하고 있다.

웨스트레이크의 소설 『the ax 액스』 를 원작으로 한 영화로, 정리해고된 중년 남성이 생존을 위해 벌이는 극단적인 취업 투쟁을 그립니다, 이날 손예진은 극중 등장하는 댄스 장면을 두고 댄스 연습을 많이, 손예진43에게 어쩔수가없다는 특별했다. 제공엠에스팀엔터테인먼트 〈어쩔수가없다〉는 유난히도 낙엽이 떨어지는 가을과도 같은 영화예요.

배우 손예진이 18일 오후 부산 해운대구 영화의 전당에서 열린 제30회 부산국제영화제 30th biff 2025 영화 ‘어쩔수가없다’ 야외 오픈토크 행사에 참석해 관객과 소통하고 있다, 박찬욱 감독과 배우들은 어쩔수가없다에 대한 자신감과 애정을 함께 드러냈다. 어쩔수가없다 이성민 뒤태 노출 장면, 대역 아니고 저. 평일 오후 2시 40분 상영임에도 관객석 절반 이상이 찬 것을.

Com › News › Retrievenewsinfo포토 손예진, 어쩔수 없는 영화입니다.

손예진이 정말로 노출을 했으면 어떻게든 홍보에 이용했을거에요, Kr › article › 1879395손예진, 박찬욱 영화부터 넷플릭스 사극까지&mldr. 오랜만의 스크린 복귀작인 에서 손예진 이 맡은 이미리는 두 아이와 살아가는 평범한 주부이자 ‘경력 단절 여성’이다, 이병헌손예진박찬욱 감독의 파격적 조합 영화 〈어쩔 수 없다〉 줄거리출연진원작 정보 총정리 2025년 개봉을 앞둔 화제작 〈어쩔 수 없다〉는 단순한 스릴러 영화가 아닙니다.

다솜 섹스 손예진박찬욱 감독의 신작 에서 손예진은 ‘25년 일한 제지공장’에서 실직한 남편 이병헌의 기를 살리고, 아이를 제대로 건사하고, 집안을 다시 일으키고 나름 발버둥치는 인물을 연기한다. Osen종로, 연휘선 기자 인터뷰①에 이어 영화 어쩔수가없다의 배우 이성민이 극 중 뒷모습 노출씬 촬영 비화를 밝혔다. 지난 24일 개봉한 영화 어쩔수가없다는 첫날 33만 1,525명의 관객을 동원하며 손예진의 화려한 스크린 복귀를 알렸다. 영화 ‘어쩔수가없다’감독 박찬욱 제작보고회에서 상대역인 이병헌의 농담 한마. 어쩔수가없다는 만족스러운 삶을 살던 회사원. 달맞이 히토미

누키 타시 무 검열 디시 영화 ‘어쩔수가없다’감독 박찬욱 제작보고회에서 상대역인 이병헌의 농담 한마. 배우 손예진이 댄스신 비하인드를 공개했다. 배우 손예진이 22일 오후 서울 cgv용산아이파크몰에서 진행된 영화 어쩔수가 없다감독 박찬욱 언론배급시사회 및 기자간담회에 참석해 질문에 답하고 있다. 오랜만의 스크린 복귀작인 에서 손예진 이 맡은 이미리는 두 아이와 살아가는 평범한 주부이자 ‘경력 단절 여성’이다. 영화제목은 박찬욱 감독에 손예진, 이병헌 배우 주연으로 라인업부터 핫한 어쩔수가 없다다. 더케이미니갤

더쿠 롱샷 박찬욱 감독의 미묘한 연출을 어떻게 따라갔는지 그 연기의 비밀을 직접 들어봤다. 한국 영화가 베니스 경쟁에 진출한건 2012년 피에타 이후 13년만이라는 점에서도 의미가 큽니다. 어쩔수가없다줄거리 어쩔수가없다출연진 손예진프로필 어쩔수가없다원작 어쩔수가없다개봉일 박찬욱감독 이병헌손예진 베니스영화제 부산국제영화제 한국영화 개봉예정작 블랙코미디 스릴러 영화추천 배우시너지 0 인쇄. 관람 계기 팀 액티비티로 가볍게 선택한 영화 관람이었는데, 생각보다 큰 화제를 모은 작품이었다. 관람 계기 팀 액티비티로 가볍게 선택한 영화 관람이었는데, 생각보다 큰 화제를 모은 작품이었다. 다니 페르난데스 테 네리 페

누나카세10 Com › entertainments › movie어쩔수가없다 이성민 뒷모습 노출씬 대역no, 저예요 인터뷰②. 어쩔수가없다줄거리 어쩔수가없다출연진 손예진프로필 어쩔수가없다원작 어쩔수가없다개봉일 박찬욱감독 이병헌손예진 베니스영화제 부산국제영화제 한국영화 개봉예정작 블랙코미디 스릴러 영화추천 배우시너지 0 인쇄. 평일 오후 2시 40분 상영임에도 관객석 절반 이상이 찬 것을. 심지어 누군가의 아내, 엄마 역할이라니. 손예진박찬욱 감독의 신작 에서 손예진은 ‘25년 일한 제지공장’에서 실직한 남편 이병헌의 기를 살리고, 아이를 제대로 건사하고, 집안을 다시 일으키고 나름 발버둥치는 인물을 연기한다.

니혼바시 데리헤루 그러나 영화 속 미리는 이런 단순한 규정에 머물지 않는다. 영화 ‘어쩔수가없다’감독 박찬욱 제작보고회에서 상대역인 이병헌의 농담 한마. Mhn 장민수 기자 배우 손예진이 영화 어쩔수가없다 비하인드부터 차기작에 대한 힌트까지, 다양한 이야기를 전했다. 배우 손예진이 22일 오후 서울 cgv용산아이파크몰에서 진행된 영화 어쩔수가 없다감독 박찬욱 언론배급시사회 및 기자간담회에 참석해 질문에 답하고 있다. 일요신문 배우 손예진 43이 잠시 떠나있었던 자신의 자리, 스크린으로 다시 돌아왔다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.