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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

야옹이 작가 성형전 단계별 사진 ㅇㅇ 2020. Com › entry › 야옹이작가프로필야옹이 작가 프로필 여신강림. 저는 이미 2022년 11월 16일에 1인 법인에 대한 국세청 세무조사가 나와 성실히 조사에 임하였고 그 결과 저의. 한편, 야옹이 작가는 웹툰 작가 전선욱과 공개 열애 중이다.

작가 야옹이 프로필 야옹이 작가 본명 김나영 출생 1991년 4월 24일 신체 키 169.

15년 들어서 스페이스 계열의 3년제 공간연출과가 아트계열로.. Com › entry › 야옹이작가프로필야옹이 작가 프로필 여신강림.. 탈세 논란에 휩싸였던 야옹이 작가의 근황이 공개됐다..

공개된 사진에는 20대 시절 야옹이 작가의 셀카가 담겨 있다. 야옹이는 한국애니메이션고등학교 애니메이션 학과와 계원예술대학교를 졸업한 후 2018년 네이버 웹툰 여신강림으로 데뷔했다. 야옹이는 한국애니메이션고등학교 애니메이션 학과와 계원예술대학교를 졸업한 후 2018년 네이버 웹툰 여신강림으로 데뷔했다. 야옹이 작가 성형전 단계별 사진 ㅇㅇ 2020. 야옹이 작가는 포르쉐 718 박스터 gts, 포르쉐 911 카레라 s 카브리올레, 맥라렌 570s, 페라리 로마의 오너였을만큼 상당한 자동차광으로 나름 유명했다.

인사이트 최유정 기자 성형 사실을 솔직히 인정한 웹툰 여신강림 야옹이 작가가 과거 사진에서도 변함없는 미모를 과시해 눈길을 사로잡고 있다, 탈세 논란에 휩싸였던 야옹이 작가의 근황이 공개됐다. 고등학교 갓 졸업한전선욱♥ 웹툰 여신강림. 92 여신강림 야옹이 작가, 팔로워 벌써 21만`관심. 야옹이는 12월 9일 인스타그램 스토리에 눈물 났다, 2018년에 여신강림으로 데뷔했고 여신강림 외에 단편 2편을 연재하였다.

같은 날 배우 손우민, 양경수 작가 등의 인스타그램에도 두 사람의 결혼식 현장 모습이.

활동명부터가 야옹이인 만큼, 오너 캐릭터는 고양이이다, 아트계열 학과들과 사진과와는 같은 계열임에도 건물이 달라서 교류는 적은편, 야옹이 작가 성형전 사진 과거사진, 프로필 띠띠박스. 가장 먼저는 영상 중학교 졸업 후 방학에 패션, 메이크업. 야옹이 작가 본명은 김나영으로, 올해 나이 30세, 키 169.

Kr › article › 251398534억 수퍼카와 찍은 사진&mldr. 공개된 사진은 7년 전 야옹이 작가의 앳된 모습. 선욱오빠 있어서 야옹이, 뒤늦게 8세 아들 고백→♥전선욱.

고딩 때 언니가 알바하던 건대 앞에서라며 과거 사진을 공개했다. Com › 4550604130와 야옹이 작가 개쩌네 치지직 에펨코리아, 활동명부터가 야옹이인 만큼, 오너 캐릭터는 고양이이다. 2018년에 여신강림으로 데뷔했고 여신강림 외에 단편 2편을 연재하였다. 7cm, 그리고 학력은 한국애니메이션 고등학교 애니메이션과 졸업 및 계원예술대학교 애니메이션학 학사 출신 입니다.

공개된 사진에는 전선욱과 야옹이 작가의 본명인 김나영의 이름이 적혀있었으며 12월 3일인 오늘 예식을 하는 듯한 내용이 적혀 있었다.

이후 10월 11일 롯데월드타워 전망대에서 손으로 하트 모양을 한 촬영 사진을 각자의 인스타그램에 동시에 업로드하면서 열애를 인정했다, 1kg, a형 mbti esfp 종교 천주교 가족 부모님, 언니, 남동생 반려동물 반려묘 루이, 케이 자녀 아들2014년생 학력 한국애니메이션고등학교 애니메이션과 졸업 계원예술대학교 애니메이션학 학사. 감사합니다라는 글과 함께 사진을 게재했다.

웹툰 작가 야옹이가 대학생 시절 사진을 공유했다, 먼저 좋지 않은 소식으로 독자님들께 심려를 끼쳐드려 죄송합니다, 7cm, 그리고 학력은 한국애니메이션 고등학교 애니메이션과 졸업 및 계원예술대학교 애니메이션학 학사 출신 입니다. 냐옹이 작가 과거 사진에 대한 네티즌 반응입니다. 교수진이야 큰 변동은 없지만 앞서 실험적으로 시행했던 전공트랙 제도에서 다시 학과제로 정리해버렸다.

기리바시 뜻 Com › entry › 여신강림여신강림 야옹이 작가 인스타 근황. 2018년에 여신강림으로 데뷔했고 여신강림 외에 단편 2편을 연재하였다. 학력은 용현중학교, 인하대학교 사범대학 부속고, 경기대학교 애니 영상학과를 졸업하였습니다. 감사합니다라는 글과 함께 사진을 게재했다. 아트계열 학과들과 사진과와는 같은 계열임에도 건물이 달라서 교류는 적은편. 길티서클 보는곳

김감전 여자친구 인스타 그러므로 이름만 보고 헷갈려서는 안 된다. 공개된 사진에는 20대 시절 야옹이 작가의 셀카가 담겨 있다. 인스타그램에 골프를 치는 사진을 종종 올린다. 7cm, 그리고 학력은 한국애니메이션 고등학교 애니메이션과 졸업 및 계원예술대학교 애니메이션학 학사 출신 입니다. 그래서 오늘은 야옹이 작가에 대해 알아보겠습니다. 급똥드라마

귀칼 시노부 야스 학제개편에서 가장 큰 격변을 겪은 계열이다. 공개된 사진 속에는 지금과 다르게 까만 단발머리를 하고있는 야옹이 작가의 모습이 담겨있다. 먼저 좋지 않은 소식으로 독자님들께 심려를 끼쳐드려 죄송합니다. 92 여신강림 야옹이 작가, 팔로워 벌써 21만`관심. 야옹이 작가, 과거사진 공개에도 굴욕 no이때. 그록 vpn 디시

김리리 화장실 위치 7cm, 그리고 학력은 한국애니메이션 고등학교 애니메이션과 졸업 및 계원예술대학교 애니메이션학 학사 출신 입니다. 가장 먼저는 영상 중학교 졸업 후 방학에 패션, 메이크업. 이지민 기자 jsz1077@naver. 먼저 좋지 않은 소식으로 독자님들께 심려를 끼쳐드려 죄송합니다. 먼저 좋지 않은 소식으로 독자님들께 심려를 끼쳐드려 죄송합니다.

그록 모바일 디시 야옹이 작가 본명은 김나영으로, 올해 나이 30세, 키 169. 아트계열 학과들과 사진과와는 같은 계열임에도 건물이 달라서 교류는 적은편. 1kg, a형 mbti esfp 종교 천주교 가족 부모님, 언니, 남동생 반려동물 반려묘 루이, 케이 자녀 아들2014년생 학력 한국애니메이션고등학교 애니메이션과 졸업 계원예술대학교 애니메이션학 학사. 야옹이 작가 나이 1991년 4월 24일 29세. 야옹이 작가의 실제 얼굴을 공개하면서 더욱 많은 관심을 받았네요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.