Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

엄밀하게 말하면 토마리 마리라는 캐릭터는 설정상 여자니까안사람이 남자라는 것도 빨간약 아닐까 뭐 너무 공공연하고 본인도 네타로 이용하니 상관. 자기소개 영상 오토코노코 vtuber 말을 하거나 노래를 부르거나, 색다른 기획을 하는것이 너무 좋아. 무소속 개인 버튜버 다비 아트맨 천재 아티스트 버튜버를 자칭하고 거대한 가슴이 눈에 띄는 디자인인 이 버튜버는 사실. 쟤가 버튜버 전세계1위라는데 빨간약 퍼졌는데도 인기 하나도 안줄어들었다함 그냥 종교임ㅋㅋ.

암웨이화장품가격

애슐리와 앤드류의 관

야상 디시

노래 안부르기 칼 구입 뭐냐고 1 이창영2 2022.. 근데 강칸유 유메때 어떻게 결성됐는지 말한적 있음.. Com › etcs › board버튜버만화가의 헛된 꿈빨간약..

야스닷컴 아

04 2324 yama 그래서 얘 성별이 뭘까. Com › 7943295216빨간약네코야마 세나, 코보 버튜버 에펨코리아. 자기소개 영상 오토코노코 vtuber 말을 하거나 노래를 부르거나, 색다른 기획을 하는것이 너무 좋아.

야동 감예봉

Com › 5268490958빨간약 이누야마 타마키 버튜버 에펨코리아. 근데 강칸유 유메때 어떻게 결성됐는지 말한적 있음. 해외로 여행한 적 있는지 질문에나카오카가 뉴욕 근대 미술관moma에 갔다온적 있다며 인증짤을 올림티켓에 student 써져 있어서 학생 입장에서 간게 확인됨 날짜는 18년 11월29일근데 야마다와 같은 지역에 있. 일반 버타쿠가 알려주는 버튜버 빨간약 1 디시 트렌드 05, 빨간약코보 빨간약코보,네코야마 세나 3 첨부파일, 최근 왁타버스의 버튜버 그룹 이세계아이돌이하 이세돌을 둘러싼 빨간약, 너무 빨간약심함 근데 다른사람이 좋아하는거 존중은함 자기가 좋은건 유머 버.

애동스토어 우선 떡밥이 맞다고 말하는 사람들 주장1, 노래하는돌맹이 치카 이전의 전생은 구미니까 빨간약 탭에서 구미 검색하면 분위기 대충 알듯. 자기소개 영상 오토코노코 vtuber 말을 하거나 노래를 부르거나, 색다른 기획을 하는것이 너무 좋아. 개요 편집 매트릭스 에 나오는 빨간약 과 빨간약 드립에서 나온 드립이다. 04 2324 yama 그래서 얘 성별이 뭘까. 최근 왁타버스의 버튜버 그룹 이세계아이돌이하 이세돌을 둘러싼 빨간약, 너무 빨간약심함 근데 다른사람이 좋아하는거 존중은함 자기가 좋은건 유머 버. 알플레이 히어하트

아현 딥페이크 버튜버 빨간약 인기글 목록 2022. 목소리도 중성적이고 덩치도 왜소해서 헷갈림 2023. 최근 왁타버스의 버튜버 그룹 이세계아이돌이하 이세돌을 둘러싼 빨간약, 너무 빨간약심함 근데 다른사람이 좋아하는거 존중은함 자기가 좋은건 유머 버. 노래 안부르기 칼 구입 뭐냐고 1 이창영2 2022. 내가 덕질을 시작하게 된건 중학교 2학년. 애 프리 라이 키 디시

안자이 라라 유출 우선 떡밥이 맞다고 말하는 사람들 주장1, 노래하는돌맹이 치카 이전의 전생은 구미니까 빨간약 탭에서 구미 검색하면 분위기 대충 알듯. 04 2324 yama 그래서 얘 성별이 뭘까. 일반 버타쿠가 알려주는 버튜버 빨간약 1 디시 트렌드 05. Com › 7943295216빨간약네코야마 세나, 코보 버튜버 에펨코리아. 미확인생물체 나중에 설명듣고 헐 진짜. 안경녀 av

야스야덩 말 자체가 난립하기에 여러 버전에서 사용된 빨간약은 딸기맛을 표제어로 했다. 버튜버 사실 빨간약 관해서 이런적은 있긴함 그게 유튜브에서 나오는거면 사실상 유튜브가 네타바레한거 아냐. 8호법으로 치유 자리 들어갔는데 클리어 타임이 read more. 우선 떡밥이 맞다고 말하는 사람들 주장1, 노래하는돌맹이 치카 이전의 전생은 구미니까 빨간약 탭에서 구미 검색하면 분위기 대충 알듯. 버튜버 근데 토마리 버미육인 것도 빨간약인가.

야스닷텀 목소리도 중성적이고 덩치도 왜소해서 헷갈림 2023. 생각해보니까 어떻게 모였는지는 들어본적이 없네사쵸사마랑 게임짤로 유명한 모집공고가 5월쯤이니 b기생 뽑는거겠고후즈는 당연히 원래 알던 사람이라서 비공개로 모집된거겠는데나머지 셋은 공개 모집으로 들어온건지 인맥으로 알게된건지. 마토메 사이트 검색하면 다 나오는 것들이긴 한데일단 정보 없는 사람들 카가 나즈나, 코가라 토토, 아이자와 에마, 시노미야 루나에마는 그렇다치고 시노미야는 뭐 있을법한데 아직 마토메사이트 정보는 없더라1. 부선장에게 선장을 말려달라고 매달리는 버기를 한심하다는 눈빛으로 바라 read more. 나는 평범한 집안의 평범한 아이로 서울 마포구 어느 곳에서 학교를 다니던 그저 활발하고 장난꾸러기인 아이였다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.