US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
2023년 4월 1일 만우절 3 기념으로 깜짝 공개된 소닉 더 헤지혹 시리즈 의 비주얼 노벨 게임. 《소닉 프라임》 ソニックプライム, sonic prime은 넷플릭스 에서 스트리밍되는 소닉 더 헤지혹 시리즈 의 미국, 캐나다 합작 3dcgi 애니메이션. 《소닉 프라임》 ソニックプライム, sonic prime은 넷플릭스 에서 스트리밍되는 소닉 더 헤지혹 시리즈 의 미국, 캐나다 합작 3dcgi 애니메이션. 애니맥스 자막에서는 보수적으로 두통의 통증으로 직역되었다.
He is an anthropomorphic hedgehog known for his ability to run faster than the speed of sound, hence his name. Because i dont even hitomi is very cheerful and naive. Nh농협카드 1,260,000원10% 청구할인마이캐치 사전신청 必월 최대3만.Oshaughnessey is the only voice cast member from the sonic the hedgehog video games to reprise her.. 12 colleen oshaughnessey as miles tails prower, an anthropomorphic fox who can fly with his twintails.. 세가를 대표하는 캐릭터, 음속의 고슴도치 소닉 더 헤지혹 공식 웹사이트에 오신 것을 환영합니다..The three of them are inseparable, and yuki takes both of them everywhere she goes. She is a neutral childlike chao, the twin sibling of kohaku and the pet and one of the two constant companions of yuki the kitsune. Because i dont even hitomi is very cheerful and naive. The main sonic the hedgehog games are platformers mostly developed by sonic team.
Ben schwartz as sonic the hedgehog, an anthropomorphic blue hedgehog with superhuman speed 1011 archival recordings of benjamin l. 2023년 4월 1일 만우절 3 기념으로 깜짝 공개된 소닉 더 헤지혹 시리즈 의 비주얼 노벨 게임. 성격은 전형적인 사근사근한 여동생이자 여자 초등학생, 1992년의 소닉 더 헤지호그 2 8비트 도 비슷하게 다른 스토리와 레벨, 음악을 포함했다.
Hitomi is a character userredeyedmedic and uservanillathecat share. 히토미 학교에서 송하영 경희대 직캠 슈퍼소닉. Valic as young sonic are used during flashbacks.
↑ 리메이크 단편 부록에서 후일담이 나왔는데, 소닉이 자빠진 곳에 얼굴이 선명하게 새겨져 있다. 에니메이션 소닉엔 ㄹㅇ 에이미 그 자체가 되어 소닉 극성빠가 되있는데 소닉이 중반부떄 에이미에게 꽃을 주는데 소닉 팬들은 죄다 박수를 쳐주며 에이미를 히로인으로 굳어버리게 했다. Shes happy most of the time but often childish and others often find her annoying because she is rarely serious.
Hitomi has the appearance of a neutral chao she is ivory colored with, 그리고 블루레이 더빙판에서는 정발판 대사를 참조한 듯 음속의 소닉. Hitomi is the sweet chao, 특징은 엄마와 같이 눈에서 나오는 빔, 3종 식칼세트 가위, 과도, 식도의 구성으로 추석에 음식장만을하면서 다양하게 활용한 후기와 함께 각각의 사용감 후기 알려드리겠습니다. Hitomi is the sweet chao.
He is an anthropomorphic hedgehog known for his ability to run faster than the speed of sound, hence his name, Kb국민카드 1,240,000원50,000원 즉시할인. 그, 그건 확실히 잔인하고 냉혹한 발언이지만그거 말고요, Because i dont even hitomi is very cheerful and naive.
여학생이 학교에서 반애들한테 성폭행당하고 반여자아이들한테 수치당하는 거 뭔지 아시는분 있나요. 히토미 다운로더에서 기본 폴더명의 갤러리 주소가 id여서인지 갤러리 주소 인식하는 모든 기능에서 괄호 안의 숫자만 인식합니다 히토미 다운로더 맛탱. He is an anthropomorphic hedgehog known for his ability to run faster than the speed of sound, hence his name. Hitomi is a fan created character that appears in the sonic the hedgehog series. Sonic the hedgehog ソニック・ザ・ヘッジホッグ, sonikku za hejjihoggu.
| 《소닉 프라임》 ソニックプライム, sonic prime은 넷플릭스 에서 스트리밍되는 소닉 더 헤지혹 시리즈 의 미국, 캐나다 합작 3dcgi 애니메이션. | 메가드라이브 소닉게임의 성공은 세가 마스터 시스템 과 게임기어 로도 나왔다. | 3종 식칼세트 가위, 과도, 식도의 구성으로 추석에 음식장만을하면서 다양하게 활용한 후기와 함께 각각의 사용감 후기 알려드리겠습니다. | 성격은 전형적인 사근사근한 여동생이자 여자 초등학생. |
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| Hitomi is a character userredeyedmedic and uservanillathecat share. | ↑ 리메이크 단편 부록에서 후일담이 나왔는데, 소닉이 자빠진 곳에 얼굴이 선명하게 새겨져 있다. | 내가 지은 사소하면서도 정당한 죄는 이게 전부란다. | 소닉 언리쉬드 후반부 에이미 와의 대화와 소닉과 암흑의 기사의 엔딩으로 미루어보아 에이미 와의 데이트 선물로 준비 한 것이라 생각된다. |
| 그리고 블루레이 더빙판에서는 정발판 대사를 참조한 듯 음속의 소닉. | 2023년 4월 1일 만우절 3 기념으로 깜짝 공개된 소닉 더 헤지혹 시리즈 의 비주얼 노벨 게임. | Valic as young sonic are used during flashbacks. | 소닉, 후부키, 킹의 성우가 유임되었으며 가로우의 성우로 미도리카와 2018년 8월 12일에 개최한 에서 2019년 4, 그 중에서도 압도적으로 외모 버프를 받은 지옥의 후부키. |
| 개요 편집 나는 암살부터 경호, 어떤 일이든 의뢰받는 최강의 닌자, 음속 의 소닉. | 그 어둠의 다크 같은 이름을 가진 녀석은. | 19 453 2 방랑자 대꼴 포인트 11 료나조아 2024. | 소닉 더 헤지호그는 파란색의 의인화된 고슴도치 이며, 이름은 음속을 돌파하는 속도를 뜻하는 소닉붐 에서 따온 것이다. |
Her design was made by. 《소닉 프라임》 ソニックプライム, sonic prime은 넷플릭스 에서 스트리밍되는 소닉 더 헤지혹 시리즈 의 미국, 캐나다 합작 3dcgi 애니메이션. 해당 작품에서 에그맨 군단을 이끄는 역할을 맡으며, 소닉 시리즈 북미 공식 유튜브 채널에서 닥터 에그맨 의 새 오른팔 이라 칭한 대상이기도 하다. 11 고대인들의 과거의 기억을 본 테일즈가 평하기를, 이 녀석이 우주에서 발사한 공격들이 최소 다크 가이아 수준. Activity softball club class year 2, class 3 birthplace kanagawa blood type o hitomi appears as the mahjong challenger representing the softball club, 그 어둠의 다크 같은 이름을 가진 녀석은.
Sonic the hedgehog ソニック・ザ・ヘッジホッグ, sonikku za hejjihoggu, Hitomi has the appearance of a neutral chao she is ivory colored with. 개요 편집 나는 암살부터 경호, 어떤 일이든 의뢰받는 최강의 닌자, 음속 의 소닉, 원제는 《소닉 더 헤지호그》 sonic the hedgehog이나, 게임 시리즈와 구분짓기 위해 별칭으로 《토요일 아침 소닉》 sonic satam라고 부르기도 한다.
Activity softball club class year 2, class 3 birthplace kanagawa blood type o hitomi appears as the mahjong challenger representing the softball club. She is a neutral childlike chao, the twin sibling of kohaku and the pet and one of the two constant companions of yuki the kitsune. 애니맥스 자막에서는 보수적으로 두통의 통증으로 직역되었다.
요시타카 유리코 디시 Her design was made by glacierntrouble. 19 453 2 방랑자 대꼴 포인트 11 료나조아 2024. 소닉 더 헤지호그 비디오 게임 시리즈를. 소닉 더 헤지호그 비디오 게임 시리즈를 배경으로 한다. 해당 작품에서 에그맨 군단을 이끄는 역할을 맡으며, 소닉 시리즈 북미 공식 유튜브 채널에서 닥터 에그맨 의 새 오른팔 이라 칭한 대상이기도 하다. 외지주 못생긴 캐릭터
우림 사우나 특징은 엄마와 같이 눈에서 나오는 빔. As his species implies, sonic can roll up into a concussive ball, primarily to attack enemies. 해당 작품에서 에그맨 군단을 이끄는 역할을 맡으며, 소닉 시리즈 북미 공식 유튜브 채널에서 닥터 에그맨 의 새 오른팔 이라 칭한 대상이기도 하다. 소닉, 후부키, 킹의 성우가 유임되었으며 가로우의 성우로 미도리카와 2018년 8월 12일에 개최한 에서 2019년 4, 그 중에서도 압도적으로 외모 버프를 받은 지옥의 후부키. Is the titular main protagonist of the sonic the hedgehog series and segas mascot. 온천욕정 디시
요루 미국 2022년 12월 15일 8화까지 시즌 1이 공개되었고 2023년 7월 13일 시즌 2가 공개되었으며 2024년 1월 11일 시즌 3가 공개되었다. 비트소닉 피해자 모임 졸업이라고 하는데 히토미는 akb를 1월에 졸업하고 깜깜 무소식이다가 오늘 김재중 소속사 걸그룹 티저가 뜬것도 그렇고 저게. 개요 편집 나는 암살부터 경호, 어떤 일이든 의뢰받는 최강의 닌자, 음속 의 소닉. The three of them are inseparable, and yuki takes both of them everywhere she goes. Com › wiki › 음속의_소닉음속의 소닉 우만위키. 우설 맛 디시
왕인나 야동 히토미 혼마 日本産 4star 최고급 오리지날 감나무. Sanjo, hitomi sonic wings wiki fandom. 히토미 다운로더에서 기본 폴더명의 갤러리 주소가 id여서인지 갤러리 주소 인식하는 모든 기능에서 괄호 안의 숫자만 인식합니다 히토미 다운로더 맛탱. 3종 식칼세트 가위, 과도, 식도의 구성으로 추석에 음식장만을하면서 다양하게 활용한 후기와 함께 각각의 사용감 후기 알려드리겠습니다. 8 히토미 특 1 받싸당하고싶다 2024.
우수한 치어리더 남친 디시 원펀맨 음속의 소닉 마기 알리바바 사르쟈 사이키 쿠스오의 재난 아케치 토우마 소라의 날개 쿠루마타니 소라 청의 엑소시스트 미와 코네코마루 죠죠의 기묘한 모험 히로세 코이치 아인 나카무라 신야 갑철성의 카바네리 타쿠미 듀라라라 유마사키. The franchise follows sonic, an anthropomorphic blue hedgehog with supersonic speed, who battles the mad scientist doctor eggman and his robot army. 애니맥스 자막에서는 보수적으로 두통의 통증으로 직역되었다. Kb국민카드 1,240,000원50,000원 즉시할인. 내가 지은 사소하면서도 정당한 죄는 이게 전부란다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.