The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
싱글벙글 섹파 결혼식 간썰jpg 싱글벙글 지구촌 마이너 갤러리. Net › 322999990사내에 있는 섹파가 10월에 결혼해서 화난다는 여시 dogdrip. 17년된 섹파가 결혼 한다는데 우울하다 과자, 빵 갤러리. 31 이 망가 찾아ㅠㅠ로망♥ 226 2025.
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| 위에 첫댓만봐도 설거지 read more. | 결혼했다 라고 보여주면서 복수하는게 목적인데 이제 좀있으면 연락해서 떡방아 찧음 선배가 그 지랄하다 남편한테 버림받고 섹파한테 버림받고 지인. | 지금은 그냥저냥 살고있는데 가끔 얼굴보면 토할거같아혹시 극복한사람있을까. |
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| 서로 대학 취업 이런거 다 들어주면서 친구 애인보다 가까운 사이였는데 얘는 몸매도 좋고 이뻐서 20대에 남친 사귀지않은 시간이 3년정도밖에 안됨. | 17년된 섹파가 결혼 한다는데 우울하다 과자, 빵 갤러리. | 뽐ㅃ펌 결혼식에 과거 잠자리를함께했던 남자를 초대한거. |
| Net › 322999990사내에 있는 섹파가 10월에 결혼해서 화난다는 여시 dogdrip. | 31 뒤에서 속이고 음침한거 좋아하는 제니 있어. | 결혼식에 예전 섹파 초대한 아내ppomppu. |
| 나랑 다르게 굉장히 외향적이고 시끄러워서 같이 있으면 심심하지는 않았음. | 섹파, 결혼, 그리고 스폰 네이버 블로그. | 결혼했다 라고 보여주면서 복수하는게 목적인데 이제 좀있으면 연락해서 떡방아 찧음 선배가 그 지랄하다 남편한테 버림받고 섹파한테 버림받고 지인. |
뽐ㅃ펌 결혼식에 과거 잠자리를함께했던 남자를 초대한거.. Com › mgallery › board싱글벙글 섹파 결혼식 간썰jpg 싱글벙글 지구촌 마이너 갤러리.. 31 동네 미용실에 미용사 유니폼 치마 개짧네 11 2025..
성별은 없습니다」라고 대답하고 있어요. 생물학적인 성별 및 lgbtq+레즈비언, 게이, 바이섹슈얼, 트랜스젠더, 퀘스처닝, 퀴어라는 단어 등은 성이라는 틀에 박히기 쉬워요, 섹파에서 연인관계로 발전해서 결혼까지 가는거 어뜨케 생각해 자기들은, 이렇게 이악물고 화내는거 보면 제대로 즐기지도 못하고 보낸 본인의 20대 시절이 너무 억울해서 히스테리부리는게 보여서 너무 안타까움 내가 정상이고 20대때 연애하고 놀러다닌 니네들이 더러운거야 이 마인드 너 생각대로 넌 잘못한게 없고 세상이 잘못된게 맞다 개붕아.
유머 결혼식에 예전 섹파 초대한 아내. 대학때 만나서 지금까지 베프인 친구놈이 우연히 술자리 같이한 내 섹파한테 반해서 나한테 소개 시켜달라고 조르고 같이 자리마련해달라고 해서 섹파한테 되냐고 했더니 그러자고 해서 둘이 소개시켜줌처음엔 내 섹파가 친구놈 외모가 맘에안들어서 시큰둥했는데 이놈이 엄청 쫓아다니고 돈쓰고, 20 2014 골때리는 섹파 결혼식 간 썰. 31 뒤에서 속이고 음침한거 좋아하는 제니 있어. 둘다봄 결혼생활전직장 남자 동료가 결혼한다며 청첩장 줫어 썸연애블라남들 얼굴 진짜 심각하던데 결혼생활혼전임신 파혼하려 read more.
31 동네 미용실에 미용사 유니폼 치마 개짧네 11 2025, 31 이 망가 찾아ㅠㅠ로망♥ 226 2025. 섹파 된지 10년 되었네요 21살 때 첨 만났으니섹파. 대학때 만나서 지금까지 베프인 친구놈이 우연히 술자리 같이한 내 섹파한테 반해서 나한테 소개 시켜달라고 조르고 같이 자리마련해달라고 해서 섹파한테 되냐고 했더니 그러자고 해서 둘이 소개시켜줌처음엔 내 섹파가 친구놈 외모가 맘에안들어서 시큰둥했는데 이놈이 엄청 쫓아다니고 돈쓰고, 유머 결혼식에 예전 섹파 초대한 아내. 위에 첫댓만봐도 설거지 read more.
언제는 섹파자체가 서로 성욕풀고 합의하에 가볍게 만나는거라면서 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 왜 점점 누구보다 엄근진하게 만나서 떡치는것처럼 되는데. 나랑 다르게 굉장히 외향적이고 시끄러워서 같이 있으면 심심하지는 않았음. Net › 322999990사내에 있는 섹파가 10월에 결혼해서 화난다는 여시 dogdrip, P4 올린건데 내용이 거기서 1등한거 소재 떠올라서 글 연습할겸 써봤음 꼴리면 좋겠네 읽어줘서 고맙다.
뽐ㅃ펌 결혼식에 과거 잠자리를함께했던 남자를 초대한거, 31 동네 미용실에 미용사 유니폼 치마 개짧네 11 2025. 소설 창작 학창시절 섹파 결혼식 다녀온 썰, 소설 창작 학창시절 섹파 결혼식 다녀온 썰. 06 215 닫힘 1 h96gz8k 여자 제일 이쁠때가 예비신부고 웨딩드레스 입었을때라던데 남자들은 가면 남편 보면서 웃으면서 ㅇㅇ이 깨끗이 잘썼습니다 이런생각한다며 ㅋㅋㅋ그런감성 왜그렇게좋지, 섹파, 결혼, 그리고 스폰 네이버 블로그.
Com › mgallery › board싱글벙글 섹파 결혼식 간썰jpg 싱글벙글 지구촌 마이너 갤러리, 섹파 따로 두고 결혼하다니 미친놈이네. 섹파가 말 바꿔서 결혼하자고 협박해요, 불루스카인 20220827 1753 ip 125.
오 납의 여자한테 지저분한 마음을 품으려거든 자기 여자도 남한테 그럴 수 있다는 것만 알어라 ㅋㅋㅋ 세상사 돌고 돈다, 대학때 만나서 지금까지 베프인 친구놈이 우연히 술자리 같이한 내 섹파한테 반해서 나한테 소개 시켜달라고 조르고 같이 자리마련해달라고 해서 섹파한테 되냐고 했더니 그러자고 해서 둘이 소개시켜줌처음엔 내 섹파가 친구놈 외모가 맘에안들어서 시큰둥했는데 이놈이 엄청 쫓아다니고 돈쓰고. 섹파 따로 두고 결혼하다니 미친놈이네.
双葉ありす fc2 피해자인 나를 가해자로 둔갑시키기 위해 혈안이 되어있던 명란과 그의 섹파 편의상 오랑이로 부르겠다가 나를 사실적시 명예훼손으로 여러 차례 고소한 덕에 브런치도 잠시 중단했지만, 혐의 없음으로 사건이 완전히 종결되어 다시 브런치를 쓸 수 있게. Kr › board › webzine19 회사 섹파 결혼식 갔던 남자. 지금은 그냥저냥 살고있는데 가끔 얼굴보면 토할거같아혹시 극복한사람있을까. 신부대기실에서 사진 같이 찍으려고 하거든 허리나 어깨에 손 올리고 찍어도 되려나. Com › 6269106918섹파 결혼식 간 썰. ㅡㅑㄴㄴㅁㅍ.채ㅡ
一緒に働きませんか みずき 素顔 특히 요즘은 수틀리면 성범죄로 고소하는 사람도 적지않고, 무엇보다도 역치가 높아져서 웬만한 read more. 소설 창작 학창시절 섹파 결혼식 다녀온 썰. 02 124024 프로필펼치기 나같아도 기분 x같겠다 진자 121. 자기소개로써, 언제나 「이데가미 바쿠입니다. 전여친이나 섹파 결혼식 가본 남자 202302. 大谷翔平2020
無料twitter保存ランキング 나 혼자 짝사랑중이긴한데 그럴 가능성이 없어보이지만 그냥 궁금해소. Kr › board › webzine19 회사 섹파 결혼식 갔던 남자. 신랑은 그걸 가지고 섹파 잡아다가 삼자대면을 할건가 생각하면 좆구라 썰임. 신랑은 그걸 가지고 섹파 잡아다가 삼자대면을 할건가 생각하면 좆구라 썰임. 오늘 밖에 추워 ㅎㅎ롱패딩 입을까 숏패딩 입을까. 가로 시작하는 세 글자 단어
가정분양 디시 전남친, 섹파 아무렇지 않게 부르네남편 웃으면서 인사하는데 알고보니 동서면 얼마나 배신감들지남자들은 전여친이나 관계있는 여자들 잘 안부르던데난 상대방에대한 예의가 아니라 생각하는데축의금받고싶어서 부르남. ――먼저 이데가미 바쿠 씨 본인에 대해 소개해 주세요. 준장 텐구아레스 211210 151047 조회 46556 추천 +42. 요즘 설거지론 보면 단순히 결혼전에 섹스좀 많이 한 여자랑 결혼하는걸로도 설거지라 부르는 애들이 많이보임. 이혼하고 제대로 된 남자 만나서 사세요.
露出pikpak 02 124024 프로필펼치기 나같아도 기분 x같겠다 진자 121. 20 2014 골때리는 섹파 결혼식 간 썰. 고품질 공급업체에서 직접 구매 가능합니다. Net › 322999990사내에 있는 섹파가 10월에 결혼해서 화난다는 여시 dogdrip. 오 납의 여자한테 지저분한 마음을 품으려거든 자기 여자도 남한테 그럴 수 있다는 것만 알어라 ㅋㅋㅋ 세상사 돌고 돈다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
Com › board › view회사 섹파 결혼식간적있는데., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.
