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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

서울뉴시스 신효령 기자 가수 성시경이 배우 장동건과의 첫 만남을 떠올렸다. 서울뉴시스 신효령 기자 가수 성시경이 배우 장동건과의 첫 만남을 떠올렸다. 복싱을 2002년부터 꾸준히 했으며 운동신경도 좋고, 덩치가 크기 때문입니다. 이날 게스트는 보통의 가족을 연출한 허진호 감독과 배우 장동건으로 이들은 성시경과 다양한 대화를 나눴다.

성시경, 매니저는 잃었지만 인성 증명했다노쇼 사기 사비로.

08 1406 성시경 먹을텐데 초창기 보면 쩝쩝 거슬린다는 구독자분들 있으시다고 하셨는데 본인 그렇게 쩝쩝되지 않는다고 함.

가수 성시경이 자신을 10년간 따라다닌 황당 루머에 대해 언급하고 법적 대응을 시사했다.. 복싱을 2002년부터 꾸준히 했으며 운동신경도 좋고, 덩치가 크기 때문입니다.. 이슈 유머 정보 기사뉴스 팁유용추천 이슈 성시경 인성수준..

이날 성시경은 영화 ‘친구’ 때 장동건을 알게 됐다면서 형 보면, 성시경이 배우 장동건의 인성을 폭로했다. Com › 203499104밑에 성시경 인성 논란 뒷장면 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아.

14일 성시경 유튜브 채널 성시경에는 성시경의 만날텐데.

방송에서 이정도면 사석에서는 뭐 다른사람 입장은 1도 생각 안하셨나보다 ㅎ 6년 전.. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 엑스포츠뉴스 오승현 기자 장동건과 성시경이 20년이 넘은 인연을 공개, 친분을 드러냈다.. 마이크 때문에 더 그렇게 소리가 들리는거라고 얘기함 근데구강 구조를 떠나서 소리가..

이날 게스트는 보통의 가족을 연출한 허진호 감독과 배우 장동건으로 이들은 성시경과 다양한 대화를 나눴다, 자신의 채널 이름을 사칭해 사기 피해를 당한 피해자에게 사비로 보상해주는가 하면, 군대 동기와 20년 팬들에게도 응원받았다. 앞서 성시경은 10년이 가까운 세월 동안 프로그램 녹화에 상습적으로 지각한다는 루머에 휩싸인 바 있다. 08 1355 성시경 먹방 유튜브 다 좋은데 쩝쩝소리 때문에 안봄, 5 royal 2024. 영상에서 허 감독은 두분이서 만난지는 꽤 오래 됐냐. Kr 위치추적기 녹음기 아름정보 아이콘 자동차위치추적도소매문의환영 전국무료배송 당일수취가능.

Jpg 16,523 90 무명의 더쿠 Stheqoo.

성시경 인성 ‘학교 폭력 피해 때문에 민감해진 것.

08 1356 딱 카메라 없었으면 시발 이새끼봐라하면서 욕으로 받아칠텐데 ㅋㅋ. 장동건, 허진호 감독 영화만큼 술에도 진심인 두 분과 한잔했어요라는 제목의 새 영상이 업로드됐다, 공인으로서의 연예인의 사회적 역할 및 올바른 가치관을 찾기 위한 교육을 지원하고 있는 것인데요. 이슈 유머 정보 기사뉴스 팁유용추천 이슈 성시경 인성수준, 지속적으로 악플 다는 사람들이 보여서 마음이 아프다라는 질문에 왜 이렇게 내가 지각을.

하지훈 유튜버 Jtbc 마녀사냥 녹화 도중 장난으로 지각 몰이. 수영한테 날씬하다면서 손목이 부러질 것 같다고 하자 수영은 살이 얼굴로 간다고 함. 이날 게스트는 보통의 가족을 연출한 허진호 감독과 배우 장동건으로 이들은 성시경과 다양한 대화를 나눴다. 189 지코의 아티스트에서 오랜만에 뭉친 블락비 her. 또한 지속적으로 루머를 퍼트리는 악플러들에 대한 법적 대응을 시사하며 고소를 멈추지 않겠다고 강조했다. 피딩밍디

피지컬 아시아 우승 디시 08 1351 울엄마도 같은 소리하셨었는데 롯데팬 2024. 성시경은 지난 23일 유튜브 채널 성시경에서 생방송을. 방송 캡처성시경이 배우 장동건의 인성을 폭로했다. 앞서 성시경은 10년이 가까운 세월 동안 프로그램 녹화에 상습적으로 지각한다는 루머에 휩싸인 바 있다. 글쓴이는 성시경이 작년 봄부터 자신을 스토킹하면서 메신저, 유튜브 댓글 등을 훔쳐본 후 가스라이팅을 한다고 주장했다. 하노이 로컬 가라오케 디시

하즈키노 아오이 서울뉴시스 신효령 기자 가수 성시경이 배우 장동건과의 첫 만남을 떠올렸다. 복싱을 2002년부터 꾸준히 했으며 운동신경도 좋고, 덩치가 크기 때문입니다. 가수 성시경이 상습 지각 루머를 반박하고 고소 의사를 밝혔다. 영상에서 허 감독은 두분이서 만난지는 꽤 오래 됐냐. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 성시경의 만날텐데. 피딩 순위

한국 게이 섹스 트위터 앞서 성시경은 10년이 가까운 세월 동안 프로그램 녹화에 상습적으로 지각한다는 루머에 휩싸인 바 있다. 자신의 채널 이름을 사칭해 사기 피해를 당한 피해자에게 사비로 보상해주는가 하면, 군대 동기와 20년 팬들에게도 응원받았다. 엑스포츠뉴스 오승현 기자 장동건과 성시경이 20년이 넘은 인연을 공개, 친분을 드러냈다. 08 1355 성시경 먹방 유튜브 다 좋은데 쩝쩝소리 때문에 안봄, 5 royal 2024. 예전부터 인성 더럽기로 유명해서 ㅋㅋ라디오에서 지 팬도 디스했던 놈임.

한국 페미 디시 성시경, 매니저는 잃었지만 인성 증명했다노쇼 사기 사비로. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 엑스포츠뉴스 오승현 기자 장동건과 성시경이 20년이 넘은 인연을 공개, 친분을 드러냈다. 지속적으로 악플 다는 사람들이 보여서 마음이 아프다라는 질문에 왜 이렇게 내가 지각을. 08 1356 딱 카메라 없었으면 시발 이새끼봐라하면서 욕으로 받아칠텐데 ㅋㅋ. 17 이순신러블리 316 엠넷 새예능 여초 반응jpg 86.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.