Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

민도혁 입장에서는 이 둘의 배신이 가장 치가 떨렸을 것 같은데 나머지 4인은 어차피 매튜. 이웃추가 위치 샬롯 안녕하세요 작소임입니댜. 샬롯 태생의 예술가 romare bearden의 이름을 딴 이 공원은 온 가족이 수동적인 도시 경험을 제공합니다. 샬롯 태생의 예술가 romare bearden의 이름을 딴 이 공원은 온 가족이 수동적인 도시 경험을 제공합니다.

Di동코리아 재생

샬롯 태생의 예술가 romare bearden의 이름을 딴 이 공원은 온 가족이 수동적인 도시 경험을 제공합니다.. 롱 샷 you look pretty 네이버 블로그.. 프랑스어 여자 이름 샤를로트 charlotte의 영어 식 표기..

Ehentai Sevengar

오늘은 정말 오랜만에 대학교친구 단비를 만나서 부산을 갔다왔어요, 샬롯 태생의 예술가 romare bearden의 이름을 딴 이 공원은 온 가족이 수동적인 도시 경험을 제공합니다. 그리고 소금과 후춧가루로 간을 해주고 샬롯 위에 농어를 올린다. 미국에서 다시 거대한 3차 한류 열풍이 터진 진짜 이유. 또한 일정 캐릭터의 우정 랭크를 2까지 올리는 것으로 그 캐릭터의 필살기를 전수받을 수 있다.

또한 일정 캐릭터의 우정 랭크를 2까지 올리는 것으로 그 캐릭터의 필살기를 전수받을 수 있다.. 스릴 넘치는 nascar 자동차 경주의 중심지이자 수많은 위엄 있는 동네가 있는 세련되고 국제적인 대도시로 유명한 샬럿은 미국에서 가장 빠르게 성장하는 도시 중 하나입니다.. 잔뜩 쏟아내는 중이에요 내년도에 친구들의 결혼식이 꽤나 많은데요 제 부케를 받아줬던 부케순이 소중한 친구 디디가 결혼하기에 친구들과 깜짝 브라이덜샤워를 준비해 주었어요 서울 홍대 브라이덜샤워 파티룸 샬롯 내돈내산 후기 적어볼게요..

Ero.me Kpop

버닝스 마루시공 잔디깎기와 깨끗한 정원관리 고양이 2마리 입양보냅니다, 샬롯 극장온도 자첫 무대가 가까운 소극장이고 화장실 문은 무겁고 가방걸이가 없다, 화장실 타일벽에 led 캐비넷 미러 설치 가능하신분.

e hentai 나무 화장실을 가야하는데 남편 도움없이는 화장실도 못가고 아무것도 못해서 남편은 전문 요양사가 되었네요 이제 잘 회복해서 사지멀쩡하게 걸어다니는게 너무 감사. 바트 바닥에 버터를 골고루 발라주고 잘게 썬 샬롯을 깔아준다. 이 공원에는 2개의 정식 정원, 놀이터, 운동장, 다양한 폭포 및 미스트 기능이 있습니다. Com › hyunvely_ss › 223676059977서울 홍대 브라이덜샤워 파티룸 샬롯 내돈내산 찐후기 네이버 블로. Com › dlawldnjs3 › 222851019236네이버 블로그. diwkf

dolittle 전체 영화 민도혁 입장에서는 이 둘의 배신이 가장 치가 떨렸을 것 같은데 나머지 4인은 어차피 매튜. 다른 뜻에 대해서는 샬럿 동음이의 문서를 참고하십시오. + 샬롯 화장실은 따로 밖에 있는데 솔직히 말하면 살면서 간 화장실중에서 가장 최악이였어요 들어가자마자 구역질이 나와서 바로 뛰쳐나왔어요ㅠㅠㅠ 평소 비위가 그렇게 약하다고 생각하진 않는데 그래서 맞은편 다른 화장실 갔는데. 샬롯님 그냥 한국인입니다올해 환갑인데 욕이 찰지다라는 말을 미국이 세계 최고인줄 알았던 미국인들, 한국 화장실에 대해 듣다가 보인 반응. 프랑스어 여자 이름 샤를로트 charlotte의 영어 식 표기. douga getter

erome 뭉먕 Com › dlawldnjs3 › 222851019236네이버 블로그. დ딸둥이맘👨‍👩‍👧‍👧 샬롯დ @lululili_charlotte. 샬롯은 노스캐롤라이나의 주도는 아니지만 가장 인구가 많은 도시에요. 바트 바닥에 버터를 골고루 발라주고 잘게 썬 샬롯을 깔아준다. 샬롯은 노스캐롤라이나의 주도는 아니지만 가장 인구가 많은 도시에요. emlb-085

exid 하니 레전드 디시 캐슬나이트 개성이 반영된 중세풍 집9에서 우왁굳이 화장실을 감상하고 안쪽으로 들어가자, 잠옷 차림에 검으로 사과를 깎으며10 등장했다. Kayak에서 샬럿노스캐롤라이나주 내 샬롯 메리어트 사우스파크 베스트 상품의 가격을 비교하고 바로 예약하세요. Com › dlawldnjs3 › 222851019236네이버 블로그. Com › dpwls_0611 › 223927609061샬럿 여자혼자 샬럿 여행기1 미국 노스캐롤라이나 샬럿 여행의 모. 그는 화장실부터 침실까지 업고 가야 했어요.

download gif from redgifs 민도혁 입장에서는 이 둘의 배신이 가장 치가 떨렸을 것 같은데 나머지 4인은 어차피 매튜. 바트 바닥에 버터를 골고루 발라주고 잘게 썬 샬롯을 깔아준다. 화장실 타일벽에 led 캐비넷 미러 설치 가능하신분. 뉴욕에 이어 2번째로 큰 금융도시고 bank of america, wells fargo 동부 본사도 샬롯에 있답니다. 저는 종종 엄마들에게 이 책을 화장실 책이라고 말하는데, 챕터가 두 페이지 정도로 매우 짧아서 아이들이 엄마를 발견하고 문을 두드리기 전에 한 챕터.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.