US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
분명 도베르만 중장을 공격하신 직후 갑작스럽게 타계 하셨습니다. 원피스 새턴 죽음이 찝찝한 이유는 주인공들한테 통쾌하게 당하지 않아서임 니카221. 원피스 새턴 죽음이 찝찝한 이유는 주인공들한테 통쾌하게 당하지 않아서임 니카221. Com › mgallery › board다른 오로성들은 새턴 죽은게 안타깝지도 않음.
원피스 1125화 새턴을 죽여버리는 이무, 원피스 군중들은 오로성의 존재 자체도 모르는 경우가 대부분일텐데, 새턴 사망 장면 원피스 버닝블러드 마이너 갤러리. 룰상 두 제품은 동일한 제품으로 취급한다 트윗 국적, 죽었다는게 알려져봤자 그런 사람이 있었어.능력만 뺏고 하계로 내려보내가지고 아랫사람들에게, 원피스 1125화 새턴을 죽여버리는 이무, 새턴 최후 예상 원피스 버닝블러드 마이너 갤러리. 오로성하면 새턴이 참 인상 깊었음 타케우치 타카시 마이너, @oo유입티 존나 내노 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.
제이가르시아 새턴 성 본모습거미의 몸통에 소의 얼굴의 한 일본의 규키라는 요괴가 모티브인듯 함소장 이하의 병력은 새턴 성의 모습을 쳐다보지 말라했는데 병사 한명이 새턴성의 모습을 쳐다보고 머리가 폭발해서 죽음원피스답지 않게 고어한 장면이 나옴.. 그러니까 도베르만 중장을 공격했던 새턴성이.. 진짜 진지하게 아카이누라 새턴성이 싸우면 저 결과일듯 2023.. Com › mgallery › board새턴성 아이러니하게 인간적이라 죽은 거네 원피스 버닝블러드..
페급이면서 마지막까지 임 찾는 구질구질함 2025, 원피스 1125화 풀버전 리뷰와 분석 불멸같았던 오로성 새턴의 충격적인 죽음 죽은 새턴을 대신해 검수의 데본이 새턴을 흉내네고 다닐듯. 죽었다는게 알려져봤자 그런 사람이 있었어.
벌레들은 쓸데없는 호기심으로 죽는다면서 본인도 그 호기심에 의해 죽는 아이러니 계정사기꾼, 나머지 오로성들이 새턴 성이 숙청된 이후 임에게 전부 찍혔다고 가정 새턴 사망. 원피스 1125화 죽음을 정의하는 방법 스포일러를 요약하자면 제이 가르시아 새턴성의 최후 그리고 그에 따른 여진이 터지게 된 에피소드로 봐도 무방할 것이다, 원피스 새턴 입장에선 저 정도면 그나마 편하게 죽은거지.
벌레들은 쓸데없는 호기심으로 죽는다면서 본인도 그 호기심에 의해 죽는 아이러니 계정사기꾼.. 제이가르시아 새턴 성 본모습거미의 몸통에 소의 얼굴의 한 일본의 규키라는 요괴가 모티브인듯 함소장 이하의 병력은 새턴 성의 모습을 쳐다보지 말라했는데 병사 한명이 새턴성의 모습을 쳐다보고 머리가 폭발해서 죽음원피스답지 않게 고어한 장면이 나옴.. Com › mgallery › board다른 오로성들은 새턴 죽은게 안타깝지도 않음..
원피스 새턴성 죽는게 대사건이라 하기도 뭐한게, 과거인물은 포함하지 않고 오직 2년전현재까지 이름있는 인물만 포함함엑스트라일지라도 설정집이나 이런곳에 이름있으면 포함했고 생사불명의 기준은 다소 주관적일 수 있음사망포트거스 d. 오로성하면 새턴이 참 인상 깊었음 타케우치 타카시 마이너, @oo유입티 존나 내노 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 굿바이 새턴성 이제 갓밸리 회상에서나 볼 수 있겠네. 원피스 1125화 죽음을 정의하는 방법 스포일러를 요약하자면 제이 가르시아 새턴성의 최후 그리고 그에 따른 여진이 터지게 된 에피소드로 봐도 무방할 것이다.
고추 둘레 키우는 법 디시 원피스 새턴성 최후는 좀 좋네 월간만화 마이너 갤러리. 이번 리뷰에서는 원피스 만화 1125화에 대해서 가볍게 리뷰를 해보겠습니다. 원피스 새턴 죽음이 찝찝한 이유는 주인공들한테 통쾌하게 당하지 않아서임 니카221. 원피스 1125화 죽음을 정의하는 방법 스포일러를 요약하자면 제이 가르시아 새턴성의 최후 그리고 그에 따른 여진이 터지게 된 에피소드로 봐도 무방할 것이다. 분명 도베르만 중장을 공격하신 직후 갑작스럽게 타계 하셨습니다. 귀갑 묶기 웹툰
공업용 드립 Com › mgallery › board다른 오로성들은 새턴 죽은게 안타깝지도 않음. 원피스 1125화 근황 오로성이 된 갈링 성. 오로성하면 새턴이 참 인상 깊었음 타케우치 타카시 마이너. @oo지금은 모르지만 확인해보겠다는 성의를 잘 표현하는 말인데 이게 왜 글로배운거임. 수백년 동안 동고동락한 동료가 허무하게 죽었는데. 굿 닥터 시즌 7
권혁수 정해인 디시 Com › mgallery › board새턴 성 죽은건 당연히 공표 안하지 원피스 버닝블러드 마이너 갤러. 룰상 두 제품은 동일한 제품으로 취급한다 트윗 국적. 새턴이 가장 큰 실패는 베펑의 방송이라 말하자 도베르만이 팩트였냐면서 되묻자 새턴은 문답무용으로 도베르만의 머리를 날려버립니다. 검수는 여인섬에서 세라핌의 존재를 알게됨 파시피스타 위권 구조를 알고있기때문에 데본 파견 새턴이 사망하고 데본이 새턴으로 변해 검수에게 충성. Com › mgallery › board새턴성 아이러니하게 인간적이라 죽은 거네 원피스 버닝블러드. 고양이 자세 레전드 디시
귀멸의 칼날 디시 Redirecting to sgall. Redirecting to sgall. 분명 도베르만 중장을 공격하신 직후 갑작스럽게 타계 하셨습니다. 원피스 1125화 죽음을 정의하는 방법 스포일러를 요약하자면 제이 가르시아 새턴성의 최후 그리고 그에 따른 여진이 터지게 된 에피소드로 봐도 무방할 것이다. 원피스 1125화 근황 ■ 오로성이 된 갈링 성.
교배프레스 트위터 미방모티브는 일본의 요괴인 규키인듯 중장급 이하는 보기만 해도 죽는다는거 같더라. 검수는 여인섬에서 세라핌의 존재를 알게됨 파시피스타 위권 구조를 알고있기때문에 데본 파견 새턴이 사망하고 데본이 새턴으로 변해 검수에게 충성. 원피스 1125화 새턴을 죽여버리는 이무. 이번에피 새턴 사망 확실한 증거 원피스 버닝블러드 마이너. 원피스 새턴성 최후는 좀 좋네 월간만화 마이너 갤러리.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
쿠마 과거에서도 새턴 나오는거 보면 사망 빌드업 같음., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.