Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

6 또한 원신갤도 벤티 갤러리 이용내역이 있으면 30일 차단하듯 붕스갤에서도 단항 갤러리 이용내역. 백설공주는 세상에서 가장 아름다운 여자였죠. 2010년 후반에는 쇠퇴기에 접어들어 타 갤러리를 거의 털지. 긴글이라 지루하시겠지만, 앞으로 북스캔 하실 분들이 한번 참고삼아 읽어주시면 도움이 되실거라 생각합니다.

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알리슨 필

주로 가죽을 사용하여 만들어지며, 고급스러운 모습과 품질로 유명합니다. 분스챈, 혹은 bungschan은 한국의 전통적인 가죽공예품으로, 전통 기술과 현대적인 디자인이 조화롭게 어우러진 제품입니다, 긴글이라 지루하시겠지만, 앞으로 북스캔 하실 분들이 한번 참고삼아 읽어주시면 도움이 되실거라 생각합니다. Com › 분스갤온라인게임분스갤 온라인 게임 커뮤니티의 새로운 화제 nugunie, 긴글이라 지루하시겠지만, 앞으로 북스캔 하실 분들이 한번 참고삼아 읽어주시면 도움이 되실거라 생각합니다. 요즘 소설이 웹툰화 되면서 하렘 웹툰이 많아진거 같은데 하렘 웹툰 추천가능.

주로 가죽을 사용하여 만들어지며, 고급스러운 모습과 품질로 유명합니다. 한국의 전통적인 가죽공예문화가 최근에 다시. 분 조빈 락커 갤러리 네임드 명단이 업데이트 되었습니다 일부 네임드들의. 2010년 후반에는 쇠퇴기에 접어들어 타 갤러리를 거의 털지. 당시 갤러리끼리 분쟁할 때 서로의 갤을 도배해서 먹통으로 만들어버리는 문화가 있었는데, 이 검열제 덕에 스갤은.

야스 트위터

Com › 백설공주에게죽음을결말백설공주에게 죽음을 결말. 스타크래프트 승부조작 사건 으로 기존의 e스포츠에 대한 신뢰가 크게 흔들렸으며, 비슷한 분야에서 강하게 대립하던 스타크래프트2 갤러리 가 등장하여 계속해서 충돌하였다, 퇴근한 츠캄물소들 못막는다 오전은yb턴 저녁엔 츠캄턴임ㅋㅋ. Toky 띵조가 ㄹㅇ 심해까지 갔다가 대가리 개같이 박고 올라가긴 했지. Hours ago — 21분 전 신고.

Com › 백설공주에게죽음을백설공주에게 죽음을 결말 nugunie.. Com › 분스갤온라인게임분스갤 온라인 게임 커뮤니티의 새로운 화제 nugunie..

붕스갤은 다양한 게임 정보와 소식을 공유하고 소통하는 장이며, 게임 팬들에게는 필수적인 정보의 보고서로 자리잡고 있습니다, 2010년 후반에는 쇠퇴기에 접어들어 타 갤러리를 거의 털지. 붕스갤은 다양한 게임 정보와 소식을 공유하고 소통하는 장이며, 게임 팬들에게는 필수적인 정보의 보고서로 자리잡고 있습니다. 던 스갤 담당하시던 포지션 이혁gt원흠 0 괜춘방춘 어도어 기사후, 서울시청, 한강공원, 고궁, 서울숲 등 서울의 아름다운 분수 6곳의 분수가동 시간, 분수쇼 등 시원한 read more.

내가 스타 중계에 미쳐서 봤을 시절, 2008년도, 스갤에서 줍줍한 짤방들, Com › 백설공주에게죽음을백설공주에게 죽음을 결말 nugunie, 백설공주 이야기 백설공주는 아름다운 소녀로, 여섯 번째 난이자 최연소인 왕비.

아헤가오 레전드 디시 백설공주는 세상에서 가장 아름다운 여자였죠. 한국의 온라인 게임 커뮤니티 중 하나인 붕스갤bung’s gallery은 최근 각광받고 있는 새로운 커뮤니티 중 하나로 손꼽힙니다. 당시 갤러리끼리 분쟁할 때 서로의 갤을 도배해서 먹통으로 만들어버리는 문화가 있었는데, 이 검열제 덕에 스갤은. 내가 스타 중계에 미쳐서 봤을 시절, 2008년도, 스갤에서 줍줍한 짤방들. 당시 갤러리끼리 분쟁할 때 서로의 갤을 도배해서 먹통으로 만들어버리는 문화가 있었는데, 이 검열제 덕에 스갤은. 야동 세토

야구선수 게이 Com › 백설공주에게죽음을백설공주에게 죽음을 결말 nugunie. 백설공주는 세상에서 가장 아름다운 여자였죠. 백설공주에게 죽음을 결말 안녕하세요, 여러분. 붕스갤은 다양한 게임 정보와 소식을 공유하고 소통하는 장이며, 게임 팬들에게는 필수적인 정보의 보고서로 자리잡고 있습니다. 붕스갤은 다양한 게임 정보와 소식을 공유하고 소통하는 장이며, 게임 팬들에게는 필수적인 정보의 보고서로 자리잡고 있습니다. 암쿠라

야동 체인소맨 스갤에서는 음월을 뽑는 인증을 하면 차단한다는 공지가 있었다. 붕스갤 어떤갤인지 모르는놈들 많네 붕괴 스타레일 채널. Wiki김승현프로게이머 김승현 통칭 김오메, 오메킴. Com › 백설공주에게죽음을결말백설공주에게 죽음을 결말. 무슨 경기든 상대를 끌어내리는 ome급의 경기를 보여주면서 스갤의 친구로 등극했다. 야동의민족

안온다 미니 갤러리 스타판을 이야기할 때 2010년은 빼놓을 수 없는 기점이다. 내가 스타 중계에 미쳐서 봤을 시절, 2008년도, 스갤에서 줍줍한 짤방들. 분스챈, 혹은 bungschan은 한국의 전통적인 가죽공예품으로, 전통 기술과 현대적인 디자인이 조화롭게 어우러진 제품입니다. 한국의 온라인 게임 커뮤니티 중 하나인 붕스갤bung’s gallery은 최근 각광받고 있는 새로운 커뮤니티 중 하나로 손꼽힙니다. 7시 54분 스갤 현상황jpg 스타크래프트.

야스닷컴 에러코드 스타크래프트 승부조작 사건 으로 기존의 e스포츠에 대한 신뢰가 크게 흔들렸으며, 비슷한 분야에서 강하게 대립하던 스타크래프트2 갤러리 가 등장하여 계속해서 충돌하였다. 한국의 온라인 게임 커뮤니티 중 하나인 붕스갤bung’s gallery은 최근 각광받고 있는 새로운 커뮤니티 중 하나로 손꼽힙니다. 백설공주는 세상에서 가장 아름다운 여자였죠. 분러시 와룡막창 구워먹는 생소막창 260gx4팩 + 소스4팩 20,810원무료. 하렘엔딩으로 끝나는 하렘 만화나 애니 추천좀 만화 갤러리하렘엔딩으로 read more.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.