그래서 나도 윾쾌하게 태국과 베트남의 차이점 음식 등등 얘기하면서 베트남 여자가 태국여자보다 더 이쁜 거같다 이랬더니 그제서야 좀 웃더라 이런.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그래서 나도 윾쾌하게 태국과 베트남의 차이점 음식 등등 얘기하면서 베트남 여자가 태국여자보다 더 이쁜 거같다 이랬더니 그제서야 좀 웃더라 이런. 누루마사지 하노이에는 완벽하게 해주는곳은 없는듯하네요. 새벽 3시반 다른가게는 다 문닫은 시간한 가게만 불이 켜져있길래 마감 준비하나 하고 적적한 마음에 부이비엔 거리 한바퀴돌고 다시 마사지골목 들어갔는데새끈한 사이즈 한명이 마사지가게로 들어가는 거 포착문만 빼꼼 열고. 어제 하루 시간이 비어서 마사지 투어를 계획했다.

특히, 누루 마사지와 같은 특수 코스를 전문적으로 제공하기 때문에, 고급스러운 베트남 밤문화를 체험하고 싶은 분들에게 추천할 만합니다.

유튜브 보는데 베트남 마사지 이거 뭐임.

다른 베트남 인기 관광지 호치민,다낭보다도 금액이 굉장히 가성비 좋은 곳입니다.. 예전에 스웨디시 제대로 받아본곳 있어서 찾아볼려고하니까 누루만 집중적으로 하는곳이 없는듯합니다 ㅋ 혹시 추천해주실분 계실지요.. 2일동안 틈틈이 돌린결과 1명만나고 한명은도망쳣다 시발 진짜 개같은 베트콩년들 다시는오나봐라 태국가지첫번째년 존나이뻣다 틴더로 진짜 새끈빡끈함 내가 스트릿푸드먹고싶다고하니까 먹주거리쪽에 개..

새벽 3시반 다른가게는 다 문닫은 시간한 가게만 불이 켜져있길래 마감 준비하나 하고 적적한 마음에 부이비엔 거리 한바퀴돌고 다시 마사지골목 들어갔는데새끈한 사이즈 한명이 마사지가게로 들어가는 거 포착문만 빼꼼 열고.

90분 별 다섯개 짜리 건전마사지였다, Vip 마사지, 누루 마사지, 오일 마사지, 스웨디시 마사지, 로미로미 마사지, 아로마 마사지, 포 핸드 마사지를 전문으로 합니다. 다낭 불건마는 단순한 마사지가 아니라 전립선 마사지, 붐붐 마사지, 누루 마사지 등 다양한 테마의 코스가 존재합니다.

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솔직히 남자들끼리 베트남 간다고 하면 다들 알다시피 낮에는 뭐 관광하겠지만 밤에는 불건전 마사지 받기도 하는 거지.

하노이 붐붐 마사지의 가장 큰 특징이라 하면 누루 서비스입니다. 하노이 윈디스파 후기 여행동남아 갤러리. 그래서 나도 윾쾌하게 태국과 베트남의 차이점 음식 등등 얘기하면서 베트남 여자가 태국여자보다 더 이쁜 거같다 이랬더니 그제서야 좀 웃더라 이런. 누루마사지 하노이에는 완벽하게 해주는곳은 없는듯하네요. 이러한 마사지는 고객에게 단순한 신체적 치유를 넘어, 심리적 안정감과 평화를 제공합니다, Com › 하노이더썸마사지하노이 더썸 마사지 불건마 한인전용 불건전마사지 업소.

누루 마사지 nuru massage 누루 마사지는 베트남 마사지 문화에서 독특하고 매력적인 위치를 차지하고 있는 마사지 형태입니다. 누루 마사지는 그 실행 과정에서도 예술적인 요소를 포함하고 있으며, 마사지사의 동작은 때때로 춤추는 것처럼 우아합니다. 전체적으로 맘에 들었음 일단 입장하니 삐끼가 맞이해줌 들어가니 카운터에 문신한 덩치가이 있음 물한잔이랑 메뉴판 보여주길래 60분짜리로 골랐음read more. 그래서 나도 윾쾌하게 태국과 베트남의 차이점 음식 등등 얘기하면서 베트남 여자가 태국여자보다 더 이쁜 거같다 이랬더니 그제서야 좀 웃더라 이런.

누루 마사지 Nuru Massage 누루 마사지는 베트남 마사지 문화에서 독특하고 매력적인 위치를 차지하고 있는 마사지 형태입니다.

가격은 18만동에 팁 12만동 해서 30만동, 베트남 여행지하면 대부분 하노이 다낭 그리고 호치민 세곳으로 나뉠텐데 다 다녀와본 내 입장에선 하노이가 제일 불모지 아닐까싶다, 길거리 여자들 마인드도 제일 폐쇄적인거같고. Com › board › view유튜브 보는데 베트남 마사지 이거 뭐임. Com › board › view베트남 하노이 로컬 맛싸 질4썰 여행동남아 갤러리.

유흥 인프라가 잘 되어있는 곳인 만큼 가성비 좋은 금액으로 베트남 밤문화를 즐기실 수 있습니다. Vip 마사지, 누루 마사지, 오일 마사지, 스웨디시 마사지, 로미로미 마사지, 아로마 마사지, 포 핸드 마사지를 전문으로 합니다. 쫄보라 사진을 찍지 못했습니다만 내부구조는 대충 저런 구조+침대 두개로 이루어져 있습니다. 다낭을 방문하는 여행자들에게 사쿠라 마사지를 강력히 추천합니다, 솔직히 남자들끼리 베트남 간다고 하면 다들 알다시피 낮에는 뭐 관광하겠지만 밤에는 불건전 마사지 받기도 하는 거지, 낚시아님호치민 마사지 로컬 붐붐 해냈다 여행동남아.

Com › board › view베트남 하노이 유흥 생각하는 사람들 보고 가셈. 전체적으로 맘에 들었음 일단 입장하니 삐끼가 맞이해줌 들어가니 카운터에 문신한 덩치가이 있음 물한잔이랑 메뉴판 보여주길래 60분짜리로 골랐음read more, 43 1250 88 0 2243621 태국 넘버원 유튜버는 바뀐적이 없다 여갤러184. 전립선 마사지 prostate massage 남성 음기 부위중 전립선을 자극하는 마사지로, 근육을 이완시켜 몸의 피로를 푸는 마사지 입니다, 공산국가 베트남은 갈만한곳임,솔직히 한국보다 재밋는거같음, 호치민 갔으면 더재밌엇을듯, 2.

tiwodnga 새벽 3시반 다른가게는 다 문닫은 시간한 가게만 불이 켜져있길래 마감 준비하나 하고 적적한 마음에 부이비엔 거리 한바퀴돌고 다시 마사지골목 들어갔는데새끈한 사이즈 한명이 마사지가게로 들어가는 거 포착문만 빼꼼 열고. 쫄보라 사진을 찍지 못했습니다만 내부구조는 대충 저런 구조+침대 두개로 이루어져 있습니다. 유튜브 보는데 베트남 마사지 이거 뭐임. 43 1250 88 0 2243621 태국 넘버원 유튜버는 바뀐적이 없다 여갤러184. 새벽 3시반 다른가게는 다 문닫은 시간한 가게만 불이 켜져있길래 마감 준비하나 하고 적적한 마음에 부이비엔 거리 한바퀴돌고 다시 마사지골목 들어갔는데새끈한 사이즈 한명이 마사지가게로 들어가는 거 포착문만 빼꼼 열고. teddy6859 sotwe

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.