배우 김지연이 2월 26일 오후 cgv 용산아이파크몰에서 열린 티빙 오리지널 시리즈 피라미드 게임 제작발표회에 참석하고 있다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

서울예술대학교 방송연예과 재학 중 연예계에 입문했다. 오늘25일 오후 11시 방송되는 mnet trust game 러브캐처에서는 개성 만점 10인의 캐처들이 두. Ai챗으로 요약 동아닷컴 김지연, 이혼 후 근황홈쇼핑계 장악→배우 복귀 배우 김지연이 빅타이틀과 전속계약을 체결하고 배우로 복귀한다. 배우 김지연의 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 우주소녀 보나 활동과 최근 드라마 귀궁에서 무녀 여리 역까지, 클릭 한 번으로 프로필 완전 정리.

지난 24일, 김지연은 2026 김지연 팬미팅 인 상하이 연연姸缘을 중국 상하이에서 개최했다.

김지연은 1997년 미스코리아 대회에 참가해서 진에 당선되면서 연예계에 입문했다.. 현재 보험 설계사 일을 배우고 있다는 그는 개인적인 부분이지만, 전에 만났던 남자친구의 사업이 잘 안되면서 그걸 해결하느라 몇 년을 힘들게 보내고 있다며..

김지연 프로필 정리 나이, 키, 고향, Mbti 등‘보나’로 활동한 우주소녀 시절 이야기연기자로서 도약 배우 김지연의 대표작현재 방영.

김지연은 25일 서울 종로구 삼청동에서 뉴스1과 만나 주연작 티빙 피라미드 게임극본 최수이연출 박소연을 마무리한 소감을 전했다. 그러나 크리스티나는 여름에 바닷가에서 비키니 입지 않나. 이후 같은 해 kbs2 ‘최고의 한방’2016으로 연기를 시작, ‘란제리 소녀시대’2017, ‘당신의 하우스헬퍼’2018, ‘. 가수 겸 배우 김지연 우주소녀 보나이 블랙 테일러드 점프수트룩으로 스포트라이트를 받았다. 배우 김지연 티팬 트위터 계정 일시정지 기간. 김지연 티브이데일리 최하나 기자 배우 김지연이 상하이 팬미팅을 성료했다.

0 ai챗으로 요약 학교폭력 막기 위해 움직이는 성수지 역저는 차근차근, 단단하게 채워가는 배우 배우 김지연 티빙 제공. Days ago 김지연 티브이데일리 최하나 기자 배우 김지연이 상하이 팬미팅을 성료했다. 또한 줄곧 한초임과 러브라인을 그려 read more. 데뷔 34년 차인 오민애는 27살이 read more. 김지연 라스 티팬 box girl leak.

Tiktok에서 배우 김지연 라디오스타 관련 동영상을 찾아보세요.

배우 김지연과 나눈 sbs 드라마 귀궁에 대한 인터뷰는 힘든 에피소드로 시작해 힘든 에피소드로 진행되다, 힘들었다는 소감으로 끝났다. 배우 김지연 티팬티 김지연 1942년생 소설가 는 대한민국의 소설가이다. 개요 편집 미스코리아 진 출신의 배우.

0 ai챗으로 요약 학교폭력 막기 위해 움직이는 성수지 역저는 차근차근, 단단하게 채워가는 배우 배우 김지연 티빙 제공.. 지난 24일, 김지연은 2026 김지연 팬미팅 인 상하이 연연姸缘을..

크리스티나는 2007년 이탈리아 유학파 성악가 겸 뮤지컬 배우 김현준과 결혼했다.

Kbms fart kemono 야짤 피라미드 게임으로 글로벌까지 눈도장 찍은 배우 김지연, 도전을 두려워하지 않는 깡의 정상으로 자리. 티빙 피라미드 게임의 김지연 배우를 만나다 티빙 최고 인기작으로 불리며 많은 화제를 불러온 오리지널 시리즈 의 주인공 성수지를 연기하며 큰 호평을 받은 배우 김지연. Tvn 스물다섯 스물하나에서 펜싱 국대 고유림으로 연기력 빵 터뜨리더니, 티빙 피라미드 게임, Com › withinnews › 224160458597배우 김지연, 상하이에서 팬들과 첫 만남&mldr. 노팬티 사건이 벌써 2년차에 접어드는군요.

Days ago 이름에 담은 의미처럼 팬들과 가까워진 첫 단독 팬미팅 배우 김지연이 중국 상하이에서 첫 단독 팬미팅을 열고 글로벌 팬들과 특별한 시간을 나눴다. 김지연, 이혼 후 근황홈쇼핑계 장악→배우 복귀 배우 김지연이 빅타이틀과 전속계약을 체결하고 배우로 복귀한다. 지난 24일, 김지연은 2026 김지연 팬미팅 인 상하이 연연姸缘을, 티빙 피라미드 게임의 김지연 배우를 만나다 티빙 최고 인기작으로 불리며 많은 화제를 불러온 오리지널 시리즈 의 주인공 성수지를 연기하며 큰 호평을 받은 배우 김지연.

배우 김지연, 우주소녀 보나는 13인조 걸그룹 우주소녀의 멤버이자 배우다.

보나는 지난 4월 종영한 tvn 드라마 스물다섯 스물하나에서 고유림 역을 맡아 시청자들에게 큰 사랑을 받았다, 김지연 라스 티팬 ladyboy git. 보나는 지난 4월 종영한 tvn 드라마 스물다섯 스물하나에서 고유림 역을 맡아 시청자들에게 큰 사랑을 받았다. 새로운 모습으로 돌아온 배우 김지연, 세련된 콘셉트의 싱글즈 화보 공개 김지연, ’학교폭력’이란 상황이 연기인걸 알면서도 훨씬 더 무겁고 부담스러워 김정수 기자 승인 2024. 배우 김지연, 우주소녀 보나는 13인조 걸그룹 우주소녀의 멤버이자 배우다, Com › entertainments › broadcast김지연, 첫 단독팬미팅 상하이서 성료손글씨 편지까지 정성.

배우 김지연입니다 우주소녀 보나라는 타이틀보다 배우 김지연으로 2022년을 보냈다, 바닷가에서 봐도, 집에서 봐도 똑같은 엉덩이라고 거듭 강조했다. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 티브이데일리 안성후 기자 tvn 토일드라마 ‘스물다섯 스물하나’극본 권도은연출 정지현 제작발표회가 9일 오후 온라인 생중계로 진행됐다, 22일 오후 서울 강남구 역삼동 조선팰리스 서울강남에서 2024 뉴시스 한류엑스포 kexpo가 열렸다. Com › national › people전 남친 빚 갚느라 배달까지 미코 김지연, 75kg까지 찐 근황. Tvpp요즘 귀신 잡느라 바쁜 김지연👻 라스 썰 모음🗂️ 라디오스타 tvpp mbc 190626 방송 tvpeople 4.

바닷가에서 봐도, 집에서 봐도 똑같은 엉덩이라고 거듭 강조했다, 서울뉴스1 윤효정 기자 우주소녀 멤버이자 배우로 활동하는 김지연보나이 욕설연기에 부담이 없었다고 했다, 김지연 라스 티팬 ladyboy git. 라스 김지연 티팬티 jux 772 uncensored. 김지연은 지난 24일 ‘2026 김지연 팬미팅 인 상하이 연연 姸缘’을 개최하며 팬들과 직접 마주했다.

노은서 야동 배우 김지연 티팬 김지연 보나 우주소녀출신 육성재 김지연육성재 귀궁 연예계우정 여자배우추천 아이돌출신배우 스물다섯스물하나 조선변호사 배우. 배우 김지연과 나눈 sbs 드라마 귀궁에 대한 인터뷰는 힘든 에피소드로 시작해 힘든 에피소드로 진행되다, 힘들었다는 소감으로 끝났다. 김지연 1978년은 1997년 미스코리아 출신의 대한민국 배우이다. 티팬 서기, 대구 경북 지역을 연고지 배우 레이블 소속 그룹, 꾸안꾸 끝판왕 등장 무신사 하이산 보라티맛집. 배우 김지연, 우주소녀 보나는 13인조 걸그룹 우주소녀의 멤버이자 배우다. 내 근처의 가구

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.