Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

불우하고 가난한 어린 시절을 보냈던 듯 하다. 줄거리 단지 작가는 이전 작품을 연재하면서 억단위의 돈을 벌었었다. 디시인사이드한국만화일반이거 혹시 방탕일기 작가 본인. 억단위의 손해가 나면서 단지의 인생은 새로운 국면을 맞이한다.

그러던 방탕 일기가 2기에서 넘어서는 안 될.. 픽션이라도 범죄를 묘사하는 태도와 방식이 잘못되어있으면 욕 먹어야지..

Fc2 펠라 추천

독자들의 반응은 이젠 독자들의 비판마저 벗어나 진정한 자유인이 되려고 그러냐는 비아냥이 대부분이었다, 불우하고 가난한 어린 시절을 보냈던 듯 하다. 이미 도를 지나칠 만큼 자기파괴적인 내용이 어마어마하게 나옴, 이번에도 역시 본인의 자전적인 내용이라고.

Fc-24694056

설마 이렇게 놀다가 범죄까지 저지르겠어.. 시즌 2에서는 다양한 독자들의 사연을 보여줬는데 여성 구독자 사연 못지않게 남성 구독자들의 사연도 많았다..

방탕일기임 말 그대로 성실착하게는 아니지만하게 살던 주인공 30살에 고삐 풀려서 방탕하게 사는 작가 일기인데 작가가 범죄자라서 주인공이 미화됨, 남친 분이 계산한 걸로 말이 많으신데 저번에 작가님이 내셔서. 작가가 자신이 주인없는 노트북 몇십만원어치 상품권을 절도했다 잡혀서 큰일났었다는 얘기를 웹툰으로 연재함 3, 카카오 웹툰, 실화 경험 바탕, 일기, 막장 방탕일기 전체 줄거리, 감상, 몇부작, 추천. 그런 그 단지 작가가 3년 만에 복귀한 신작 방탕 일기, Com › viewer › 방탕일기001방탕일기 1화 카카오웹툰.

Fc2ppv2650982

방탕일기작품은 3시간마다 무료로 볼 수 있어요. 다음 카카오 웹툰에서 연재되었던 50부작의 자전적 웹툰이다. 좋든 싫든 작가 성향은 독보적이었고 지독하리만큼 내면의 어두움을 끄집어내서 까발리는 건 여전했다. 작가가 실제로 겪은 실화 기반의 일기 형식의 웹툰이라는 점에서 더, 좋든 싫든 작가 성향은 독보적이었고 지독하리만큼 내면의 어두움을 끄집어내서 까발리는 건 여전했다, 방탕일기 연재가 종료된 후엔 인스타그램도 업데이트를 멈췄고 페이스북 페이지도 삭제되었다.

이슈 방탕일기 노트북 사건 정리 21,560 40. 디시 잠깐 탈갤했을때 나온 웹툰같은데 내용 존나 충격적이네 진짜 저게 30대 중후반의 행동과 개념임. 로시오들의 마음을 알고 싶다면 방탕일기, 디시 잠깐 탈갤했을때 나온 웹툰같은데 내용 존나 충격적이네 진짜 저게 30대 중후반의 행동과 개념임.

fc2 육변기 이미 도를 지나칠 만큼 자기파괴적인 내용이 어마어마하게 나옴. 디시 잠깐 탈갤했을때 나온 웹툰같은데 내용 존나 충격적이네 진짜 저게 30대 중후반의 행동과 개념임. 그러던 방탕 일기가 2기에서 넘어서는 안 될. 설마 이렇게 놀다가 범죄까지 저지르겠어. 단지의 남자친구 단지때의 남동생을 제외한 가족들만큼은 아니라해도 방탕일기 시즌 1에 한해서 단지에게 고통을 준 만악의 근원 이라고 할 수 있지만, 전작과는 다르게 단지 스스로 자초한 면도 있어서 단지 가족들만큼 욕을 먹진 않는다. fc2 미레이

fantia kissjav 저런 생활밀착형 범죄를 묘사하려면 한순간의 유혹에 넘어가서 범죄를 저질렀 read more. 이번에도 역시 본인의 자전적인 내용이라고. 카카오 웹툰, 실화 경험 바탕, 일기, 막장 방탕일기 전체 줄거리, 감상, 몇부작, 추천. 결국 욕 존나게 처먹음 그와중에 피해자가 m. 시즌 2에서는 다양한 독자들의 사연을 보여줬는데 여성 구독자 사연 못지않게 남성 구독자들의 사연도 많았다. fc2 uniform

fc2 材質 hamster 작가가 자신이 주인없는 노트북 몇십만원어치 상품권을 절도했다 잡혀서 큰일났었다는 얘기를. 작가가 실제로 겪은 실화 기반의 일기 형식의 웹툰이라는 점에서 더. 그런 그 단지 작가가 3년 만에 복귀한 신작 방탕 일기. 카카오 웹툰, 실화 경험 바탕, 일기, 막장 방탕일기 전체 줄거리, 감상, 몇부작, 추천. Com › viewer › 방탕일기001방탕일기 1화 카카오웹툰. farmrpg buddy

fc2ppv-4802058 그는 주식으로 큰 돈을 만지고, 코인에까지 뛰어들었다. Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. Com › zzyung44 › 223967267666카카오 웹툰, 실화 경험 바탕, 일기, 막장 방탕일기 전체 줄거리. 카카오 웹툰, 실화 경험 바탕, 일기, 막장 방탕일기 전체 줄거리, 감상, 몇부작, 추천. 디시 잠깐 탈갤했을때 나온 웹툰같은데 내용 존나 충격적이네 진짜 저게 30대 중후반의 행동과 개념임.

fc2 ppv 3363283 작가가 자신이 주인없는 노트북 몇십만원어치 상품권을 절도했다 잡혀서 큰일났었다는 얘기를 웹툰으로 연재함 3. 시즌 2에서는 다양한 독자들의 사연을 보여줬는데 여성 구독자 사연 못지않게 남성 구독자들의 사연도 많았다. 시즌 2에서는 다양한 독자들의 사연을 보여줬는데 여성 구독자 사연 못지않게 남성 구독자들의 사연도 많았다. 방탕일기레진에서 단지를 연재하던 단지 작가가 다음 카카오 웹툰에서 연재했던 웹툰이다전작 단지는 작가 단지가 가부장적인 아빠, 오빠만 편애하는엄마, 성깔 더러운 오빠, 어리숙한 남동생에 관련된 일상에 대해서 그렸다. 방탕일기작품은 3시간마다 무료로 볼 수 있어요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.