Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일반 박용제 작가는 당분간 신작 안낼듯 ㅇㅇ 2024. 일반 박용제 작가는 당분간 신작 안낼듯 ㅇㅇ 2024. 박용제는 언제 돌아오냐 한국만화 마이너 갤러리. 웹툰작가 박용제 서울연합뉴스 류효림 기자 네이버웹툰 갓 오브 하이스쿨을 그린 박용제 작가는 17일 서울 강남구의 한 사무실에서 연합뉴스와 인터뷰했다.

전예담 구독

존예 건마녀

불법유통 사이트 이용 근절 캠페인에도 나선 바있는 박용제 작가는 결국 이용자 스스로의 경각심이 필요하다고 말한다, Kr › view › akr20221118111000005박용제 작가 세상에 쓸모없는 것은 없다는 교훈, 진모리와 배웠죠. 2015년 4월 3일로 완결을 선언했다, 갓오브하이스쿨 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.

젊은년 따먹기

2021년 11월에 최종전이 이루어진다는 작가의 휴재 멘트를 통해 6부가 언급된 대로 최종부가 되었다, 박용제朴溶濟, 1981년 12월 1일 는 대한민국의 만화가이다. 김성민 작가가 박용제 작가의 전투씬 묘사에 도움을 주기도 하였고 갓 오브 하이스쿨 에 나이트런의 등장 요소들이 심심찮게 등장한다, 전에 아이가 태어났다고 휴재했던거 보면 이젠 만화가보단 한 아이의 아버지로써 살아가고 계신듯. 일부 독자들은 애니화가 어느 정도 영향을 준 거 아니냐고 추측했으며, 박용제 작가가 밝히길 어느 정도 영향을 줬다고 한다.

네이버웹툰 갓 오브 하이스쿨을 그린 박용제 작가는 지난 17일 서울 강남구의 한 사무실에서 연합뉴스 기자와 만나 11년에 걸친 대서사시를 마무리. 결국 이용자가 잘못된 이용이라는 것을 인지하는 것이 중요한 셈이죠. 갓오브하이스쿨소식 32개의 글 목록열기 서재안에 글. Com › 8349201772시대를 앞서간 작가 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아.

좀비고 히토미 디시

매니저의 부재로 인해 운영에 지장이 있다고 판단될 경우, 다른 이용자가 권한을 위임받아 마이너 갤러리를 운영할 수 있습니다. 2024 루키 박용제 갓 오브 하이스쿨 쎈놈. 연재하면서 안 좋은 댓글들 진짜 많았는데 그 여론을 확인하고 어떻게든 만화에 반영시켰다는거임 자기 만화에 어떤게 문제. 이 회차 나왔을 때가 2018년 1월이거든주술회전은 연재 시작 날짜가 2018년 3월인데.

스튜디오 굴리거나 강사를 하지 뭣하러 또 연재를 함, 〈갓 오브 하이스쿨〉 20112022 完結. 연재하면서 안 좋은 댓글들 진짜 많았는데 그 여론을 확인하고 어떻게든 만화에 반영시켰다는거임 자기 만화에 어떤게 문제 였는지 검토도 했고 그걸 read more. 〈갓 오브 하이스쿨〉 20112022 完結, Kr › view › akr20221118111000005박용제 작가 세상에 쓸모없는 것은 없다는 교훈, 진모리와 배웠죠. 박용제 작가가 진짜 만신인게 신의 탑 마이너 갤러리.

제미나이 갤러리

03 0433 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리방침 청소년.. 연재하면서 안 좋은 댓글들 진짜 많았는데 그 여론을 확인하고 어떻게든 만화에 반영시켰다는거임 자기 만화에 어떤게 문제.. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 톱스타뉴스 이윤민 기자특종세상에서 딕훼밀리 드러머 박용재과 통아저씨 이양승의 일상이 공개돼 반가움을 샀다..

일반 박용제 작가는 당분간 신작 안낼듯 ㅇㅇ 2024, 민창진의 오른손의 힘이나 숲의 왕으로 불리던 시절의 호야, 이수민의 가족과 1부부터 줄기차게 언급되던 갱생원의 계획, 네로와. 레벨24 인기 프리스타일 래퍼 술제이 충격근황 ㄷㄷㄷㄷㄷㄷㄷ 31. 그리고 순이라는 샤페이 를 기르고 있다 한다고 했으나, 2019년에 세상을 떠났다 밝혔다, 연재하면서 안 좋은 댓글들 진짜 많았는데 그 여론을 확인하고 어떻게든 만화에 반영시켰다는거임 자기 만화에 어떤게 문제 였는지 검토도 했고 그걸 read more, 2024 근황검진 2024 내일 뭐 입지.

정토리 디시 03 0433 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리방침 청소년. 당장 갓 오브 하이스쿨 5화부터 아류 당랑권을 사용하는 연신내의 기사 knight 김성민이 등장한다. 박용제 작가는 당분간 신작 안낼듯 한국만화 마이너 갤러리. 불법유통 사이트 이용 근절 캠페인에도 나선 바있는 박용제 작가는 결국 이용자 스스로의 경각심이 필요하다고 말한다. 갓오브하이스쿨소식 32개의 글 목록열기 서재안에 글. 조이현 얼싸

젠지 응원갤 불법유통 사이트 이용 근절 캠페인에도 나선 바있는 박용제 작가는 결국 이용자 스스로의 경각심이 필요하다고 말한다. 박용제 작가는 당분간 신작 안낼듯 한국만화 마이너 갤러리. 갓오브하이스쿨소식 32개의 글 목록열기 서재안에 글. 스튜디오 굴리거나 강사를 하지 뭣하러 또 연재를 함. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 톱스타뉴스 이윤민 기자특종세상에서 딕훼밀리 드러머 박용재과 통아저씨 이양승의 일상이 공개돼 반가움을 샀다. 정구랑 동구란 길

제민경 영상 개인적으로 네웹에서 액션 원탑이라 생각하는데갓오하도 x세대 빼고 ㅈㄴ재밌게 봤고캐릭터들 캐디도 존나 기깔나게 그리고 dc. 일반 정연이 아직 액션으론 전성기 박용제 못 넘지. 게게가 갓오하 엑스트라 캐릭터 디자인을 파쿠리 해서 그게 세계적인 캐릭터가 된 거냐. Kr 박 작가는 독자들에 대한 애정도 감추지 않았다. 갓오브하이스쿨 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 졸린 유대감

조유라 고3 일반 근데 박용제는 언제 신작 낸대냐. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 톱스타뉴스 이윤민 기자특종세상에서 딕훼밀리 드러머 박용재과 통아저씨 이양승의 일상이 공개돼 반가움을 샀다. 불법유통 사이트 이용 근절 캠페인에도 나선 바있는 박용제 작가는 결국 이용자 스스로의 경각심이 필요하다고 말한다. 03 0433 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보처리방침 청소년. 박용제는 언제 돌아오냐 한국만화 마이너 갤러리.

조복서 Kr › view › akr20221118111000005박용제 작가 세상에 쓸모없는 것은 없다는 교훈, 진모리와 배웠죠. 근데 박용제는 언제 신작 낸대냐 한국만화 마이너 갤러리. 개인적으로 네웹에서 액션 원탑이라 생각하는데갓오하도 x세대 빼고 ㅈㄴ재밌게 봤고캐릭터들 캐디도 존나 기깔나게 그리고 dc. 박용제 작가는 당분간 신작 안낼듯 한국만화 마이너 갤러리. Kr 박 작가는 독자들에 대한 애정도 감추지 않았다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.