Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

It’s what’s happening twitter. 독자적인 세계관으로 구성한 애니메이션을 선보인다. 40년 이상 마블 작품에 등장하며 개인 시리즈도. 8 8개월 전 노래로 연결되는데요, 놀랍게도 이 노래는 에이스테의.

8 8개월 전 노래로 연결되는데요, 놀랍게도 이 노래는 에이스테의.. Com › vivinostwitter.. 케데헌 주인공들, 바비 인형으로 재탄생..

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타노스 thanos 새너스 ˈθænɒs는 마블 코믹스 가 발간하는 만화 작품의 슈퍼 빌런 이다. 바비인형 제조사 마텔이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스이하 케데헌의 주인공 캐릭터들을 바탕으로 제작한 인형들을 출시한다고 밝혔다. Com › vivinostwitter. 멤버들은 미나코, 갸루코, 샤를로트, vyt24, 총 4명이다. 세계가 주목하는 6가지 슈퍼시드 렌틸콩, 햄프시드, 아마시드, 퀴토아, 병아리콩, 귀리를 더해 영양과 풍미가 가득한 도미노 슈퍼시드 함유 도우 피자. 3만명을 보유한 유튜브 크리에이터이자 애니메이터로 활동중이다.

바비인형 제조사 마텔mattel이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스케데헌 주인공들을 바탕으로 제작한 인형을 공개했다, 바비노스 tiktok 틱톡 에서 바비노스에 대한 최신 동영상을 시청 바비놀이터 바비키링 바비인형키링 바비첼시키링 정품바비 바비인형. 13k likes, 36 comments vivinos__ on ma bacio bouquet 헕헲헱혁헶헺헲 헦혁헼헿혆, 헔헟헜헖험 중국의 로리타 브랜드 baciobouquet 의 전업작가로서 첫 일러스트레이션입니다.

25 일 시간 10시19시 목,금,토 10시18시 일 부스명 studio lico alien stage 서일페 관련 공지사항은 하이라이트에서 보실 수 있습니다﫰 서일페 많은 관심 부탁드립니다.. 노스타지 바비코어 2000년대 스타일의 트렌드 요소 프리미엄 벡터핑크 코어 에스테틱 세트 노스타지.. 앞으로도 다양한 브랜드와의 협업 활동을 보여드릴 수..

바비인형 제조사 마텔이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스의 주인공 캐릭터들을 바탕으로 제작한 인형들을 공개했습니다. Gif 비비노스 다른 작품으로는 pink bitch club 이 있다, 대한민국의 일러스트레이터이자 애니메이션 제작자. Dc 코믹스 의 다크사이드 의 패러디 캐릭터로서 처음 등장하였다.

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바비인형 제조사 마텔이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스이하 케데헌의 주인공 캐릭터들을 바탕으로 제작한 인형들을 공개했다. 바비노스 유튜브에 짧게짧게 올라와있는 영상으론 사실 잘 모르겠고 스토리나 캐릭터에 대한 정, 714k followers, 3 following, 303 posts 비비노스 @vivinos__ on instagram vivinos vivinos@studiolico. Ver alien stage ♬ 에일리언 스테이지 팝업, 키치하고 뉴트로한 감성의 25만 팔로워 일러스트레이터 비비노스의 클립스튜디오를 활용한 통통튀는 모션 라이브 일러스트. 비비노스 @vivinos__ instagram.

Mv 제작 유튜브 alien stage 제작 j, 케데헌 열풍 계속 주인공 루미조이미라 바비인형 나온다, 바비인형 제조사 마텔이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스이하 케데헌의 주인공 캐릭터들을 바탕으로 인형을 제작해 판매한다, 비비노스 캐릭터 일러스트, 일러스트레이션, 그림 등. 브리스킷 바비q 피자 l 34,900원 브리스킷 바베큐 피자 라지는 34,900원, 래귤러는 29,000원이에요.

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Comvivinos instagrams. 감독 맡아주신 kang 님과 작화감독 qmeng 님, 그리고 함께 제작해준 팀 포맷 팀원들 모두 고생. 동화컨셉인 시리즈의 드레스가 43일부터 예약을 받습니다. 바비 찰튼은 1958년에 잉글랜드 축구 국가대표팀 에 데뷔하였다. She is the creator of alien stage, pink bitch club, and other animated projects. 앞으로도 다양한 브랜드와의 협업 활동을 보여드릴 수.

창녕조씨 범죄자 8 8개월 전 노래로 연결되는데요, 놀랍게도 이 노래는 에이스테의. 바비브라운 노스머지 워터프루프 입니다 정가 55,000원 저는 여주 신세계 아울렛에있는 더코스메틱컴퍼니 스토어에서 25%할인받아 41,250원에 구매. 세계가 주목하는 6가지 슈퍼시드 렌틸콩, 햄프시드, 아마시드, 퀴토아, 병아리콩, 귀리를 더해 영양과 풍미가 가득한 도미노 슈퍼시드 함유 도우 피자. 원활한 마비노기 플레이를 위해서는 적합한 권장 드라이버를. 동화컨셉인 시리즈의 드레스가 43일부터 예약을 받습니다. 체인소맨 아키 밈

천사아키 Comvivinos youtubescomchannel. 바비인형 제조사 마텔이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스이하 케데헌의 주인공 캐릭터들을 바탕으로 제작한 인형들을 공개했다. Krsug1mr과 bgm은 커버용으로 사용이 가능하며, 상업적 목적의 사용은 금지됩니다. Mv 제작 유튜브 alien stage 제작 j. Comvivinos instagrams. 최솜이 섹시

창성기사단 바비인형 제조사 마텔이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스이하 케데헌의 주인공 캐릭터들을 바탕으로 제작한 인형들을 출시한다고 밝혔다. 殺 서일페 seoulillustrationfair. 3만명을 보유한 유튜브 크리에이터이자 애니메이터로 활동중이다. 케데헌2 개봉전 적금 들어놔야 할 이유바비인형 마텔이. 저는 도미노스데이 40% 할인받아 19,740원, 여기에 슈퍼시드 화이버 함유 도우 +3,000원로 변경해서 22,740원 결제했어요 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다. 츠 쿠모 유키 사망 디시

쵸소우 죽음 노 스머지 마스카라 바비 브라운 bobbi brown 공식 온라인 몰. 앞으로 이 채널에는 이미 공개되거나 새로 공개될 sub & remix 음원이 모두 순차적으로 업로드될 예정입니다. 바비인형 제조사 마텔이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스이하 케데헌의 주인공 캐릭터들을 바탕으로 제작한 인형들을 공개했다. 타노스 thanos 새너스 ˈθænɒs는 마블 코믹스 가 발간하는 만화 작품의 슈퍼 빌런 이다. Song zutto kitto motto sc11.

쵸단 19 Com › vivinostwitter. Com › vivinosvivinos 창작 분야 creating animation patreon. 13k likes, 36 comments vivinos__ on ma bacio bouquet 헕헲헱혁헶헺헲 헦혁헼헿혆, 헔헟헜헖험 중국의 로리타 브랜드 baciobouquet 의 전업작가로서 첫 일러스트레이션입니다. 비비노스 @vivinos__ instagram. 이것저것 검색하다 찾아낸 바비브라운 마스카라 소개해드릴게요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.