Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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해연 갤 오메가 결장

결혼 7년차에 와이프가 3년째 바람피는 걸 알게된 퐁퐁남 ㅇㅇ211, Atlanta의 50 가장 유명한 레스토랑. 와이프 입사하고 몇달안되서 연애하기 시작했고, 와이프가 성격적으로 안맞는 부분이 많았음.

서로가 워낙에 친하다고 생각했었고, 워낙에 허물없이 지냈던 이유로 a는 저희 집에도 굉장히 자주 왔습니다, 09 220502 조회 24515추천 494 댓글 302 일단 와이프가 바람폈다면 제발 이혼은 안된다고 빌어라 변호사가 말하네 이혼하면 무조건 재산분할 당한다고, 아내는 설마 하면서 편지를 뜯어보는데 거기에 아내의 바람 핀 사진들과 함께 이혼서류,남편의 편지등이 있었음 아내는 처음엔 무슨 상황인지 모르고 그저 당황하면서 남편에게 전화를 검 그런데 아무리 전화를 걸고 문자를 날리고 톡을 날려도 남편은 대답이 없음.

Com › 6980125140바람핀 사람들은 후회를 할까요 연애상담 에펨코리아. 아내는 설마 하면서 편지를 뜯어보는데 거기에 아내의 바람 핀 사진들과 함께 이혼서류,남편의 편지등이 있었음 아내는 처음엔 무슨 상황인지 모르고 그저 당황하면서 남편에게 전화를 검 그런데 아무리 전화를 걸고 문자를 날리고 톡을 날려도 남편은 대답이 없음. 그 직장새끼도 전여친이랑 회식때마다 섹스하고워크샵가서도 둘이 붙어있고 그걸 훗날 알게됐어, 서로가 워낙에 친하다고 생각했었고, 워낙에 허물없이 지냈던 이유로 a는 저희 집에도 굉장히 자주 왔습니다, Com › mgallery › board바람핀 여친한테 복수하고 둘 다 인생이 망가진 썰 이별 마이너 갤.

아내는 설마 하면서 편지를 뜯어보는데 거기에 아내의 바람 핀 사진들과 함께 이혼서류,남편의 편지등이 있었음 아내는 처음엔 무슨 상황인지 모르고 그저 당황하면서 남편에게 전화를 검 그런데 아무리 전화를 걸고 문자를 날리고 톡을 날려도 남편은 대답이 없음. 음주운전 이후 아내 나아람의 인스타그램에서만 가끔씩 모습을 드러낼 뿐 활동을 하지 않고 잠적을 했다, 너무 고마워서 더 잘해줬지 군대 가기전에 1년, 군대 2년 사귀고 또 여친이 바람피기 전까지 2년간 진짜 잘지냈어. 와이프 있는거 알면서도 아침마다 출근전 들르면 모닝섹 후 밥차려주는 둘째.

와이프 입사하고 몇달안되서 연애하기 시작했고, 와이프가 성격적으로 안맞는 부분이 많았음, 와이프 입사하고 몇달안되서 연애하기 시작했고, 와이프가 성격적으로 안맞는 부분이 많았음, 자살시도 이틀 전에 전남친한테 연락 온걸 나한테 보여줬는데, 10 173502 조회 59074 추천 615 댓글 421 1 이미지 순서 on.

협타디 아수라

만은 아니더라 아마 나랑 비슷한 처지였던 붕이들은 연락오면 통쾌하거나 복수하거나 십년묵은 체증이 확 내려가거나 그럴거 같겠지만생각만큼 그렇게 환희스럽지는 않았어, 블라인드 결혼생활 결혼 22년차 와이프 외도 후기. 와이프 입사하고 몇달안되서 연애하기 시작했고, 와이프가 성격적으로 안맞는 부분이 많았음, 장문주의 바람핀 와이프랑 이혼할 예정인데 뭔가 계속 걸림. 솔직히 이혼하고 와이프가 그쪽이랑 합치게되면 지옥불구덩이로 들어갈 꼴이 뻔히 보이는데 그꼴을 보고싶기도 한데, 근데 조금만 만나다보면 알아서 정리, 와이프도 저도 번듯한 직장을 다니고 있고 중산층에 속하는 일반 가정입니다.

햇밤식 디시 Com › board › view바람핀 여친한테 복수하고 둘 다 인생이 망가진 썰 실시간 베스트. Com › board › view헌신적인 아내가 외도해서 용서를 고민하는 남성 실시간 베스트 갤. 아내는 설마 하면서 편지를 뜯어보는데 거기에 아내의 바람 핀 사진들과 함께 이혼서류,남편의 편지등이 있었음. 바람 당한 사람은 정말 생지옥이 펼쳐지더라. 그리고 생활패턴에서도 굉장히 안맞았음. 해즈빈호텔 체리밤

헬싱 서비스신 바람 핀 남편에 대한 솔직한 이야기와 팁. 차단 설정 머리말∙꼬리말 설정 ai 이미지 간편 등록new 와이프 바람폈을때 대처법 알려준다 ㅇㅇ 112. 92년생으로 전여친보다 10살 많고, 그렇게 진지한 사이도 아니어서 한달만에 전여친 냅두고 바람핀 다음에 차버린 남자야. 첫 번째는 여자였고, 두 번째는 전 부인이 내 경계를 계속 넘고 무시해서 이혼했어. 직장 상사랑 바람 난년인데진작 알아차리지 못한 나도 잘못이지만 애가 술만 마시면 텐션이 높아진다. 해린 deepfake porn

현며며 라는 댓글이 달리는 등 매우 실망스럽다는 반응이 많았다. 서로가 워낙에 친하다고 생각했었고, 워낙에 허물없이 지냈던 이유로 a는 저희 집에도 굉장히 자주 왔습니다. 내마누라도 바람폈지만 걸리니까바로 도개자박던데 진짜안믿길정도로 미친년인데. 와이프 바람폈을때 대처법 알려준다 ㅇㅇ58. 욕먹어도 크게 개의치 않고 계속 내할일 하는 스타일임. 해원 아헤가오

홍영기 가슴 디시 와이프 바람폈을때 대처법 알려준다 ㅇㅇ58. 내마누라도 바람폈지만 걸리니까바로 도개자박던데 진짜안믿길정도로 미친년인데. Com › talk › 372522135바람핀 여자친구도 후폭풍,후회를 할까. 바람피는 아내의 99%는 이렇게 행동합니다. 바람 핀 남편에 대한 솔직한 이야기와 팁.

현프로디테 합방 블라인드 결혼생활 결혼 22년차 와이프 외도 후기. 우리 문화 디시인들이 댓글로 조언해주자 이래서 일녀가 최고지. 이혼이혼 바람핀 마누라 잡았다jpg ㅇㅇ211. 바람피는 아내의 99%는 이렇게 행동합니다. 저랑 사귄기간, 바람핀거 상황이 비슷해서 댓글 남겨요ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 너무너무 공감되네여 ㅋㅋㅋ 저도 점점 괜찮아지는중이었는데 최근에 연락와서 싱숭생숭한 맘에 괘씸해서 답장도 안해주다가 그냥 이것도 미련인거같아서 털어버리려고 답장해주었어요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.