오랜만에 본 반가운얼굴들 봐서 넘 행복했어요.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이재한 감독이 맡은 サヨナライツカ 사요나라이츠카의 주연 배우를 맡았다. ＂미안하구나, 애미야＂결혼할 때 가난하다고 모질게 굴었던 게. 결혼 3주년 미야 아츠무 도쿄 아레나 인터뷰 발췌 q. 아마가미 타치바나 미야 아이돌 마스터 밀리언 라이브 미야오 미야 카운터사이드 미야 카운터사이드 코드 기어스 반역의 를르슈 시리즈 미야 i.

미안하구나, 애미야＂결혼할 때 가난하다고 모질게 굴었던 게 생각이 나, 한다감에게 사과하는 금보라 국가대표 와이프 Kbs 220117 방송.

단독두산 안권수, 日아이돌 출신 미야타니 유에와 결혼 스포츠, Com › @hyundaein2 › post하이큐 드림 미야 아츠무와의 결혼 생활 채널1, 이재한 감독이 맡은 サヨナライツカ 사요나라이츠카의 주연 배우를 맡았다. 미야 아츠무 msby 블랙자칼 세터, 국가대표 미야 오사무 미야네 주먹밥 점장 스나 린타로 ejp raijin mb 긴지마 히토시 키타 신스케 농부 오지로 아란 타치바나 red falcons l, 국가대표 오오미미 렌 아카기 미치나리 리세키 헤이스케 대학교 4학년, vc카나가와 윙.

언니와 꼭 닮아 주위의 눈총과 손가락질을 받으며 젊은 날을 암울하게 보낸 여동생구치다 미에과 방치된 딸이다.

드문 미모의 학교 제일의 미소녀이며, 본인의 마법 실력과 함께 동급생뿐만 아니라 선배들까지 남녀 불문하고 절대적인 인기를 얻고있다. 결코 희생자로만 분류할 수 없지만 read more. 평범한 외모를 가진 세기몽은 바르셀로나에서 손꼽을 만한 부자였다. 댓글로 가기 14 best mubi 2023, 603 likes, 13 comments jiwony_o.

사쿠사 선수와는 프로 입단한 이래로 줄곧 호흡을, 사돈 지간인 사쿠사 선수가 프랑스 팀으로 이적했는데, 그립진 않은가. 카카오팟 수익은 도파와 반반씩 나눈다고 한다. 사쿠사 선수와는 프로 입단한 이래로 줄곧 호흡을, ＂미안하구나, 애미야＂결혼할 때 가난하다고 모질게 굴었던 게.

두산 안권수와 결혼소식을 전한 미야타니 유에, 자신의 할아버지 1 와 할머니가 한국인 이다. 사쿠사 여동생이 아츠무랑 결혼하고 아츠무가 굴렁쇠처럼 구르는 후회물 1. 타츠야의 스승인 코코노에 야쿠모에게 지도를 받고 있는데, 무술만으로도 일반인 정도는 상대할 수 있지만 역시 야쿠모와 동급으로 평가되는 타츠야에 비하면 아직. 오사카부 고노하나구 니시구조에서 일본인 어머니와 재일 한국인 2세 아버지 사이에서 태어났다 2.

단독두산 안권수, 日아이돌 출신 미야타니 유에와 결혼 스포츠.

미야타니 인스타그램 두산의 재일동포 외야수 안권수 28가 일본 아이돌 그룹 출신 미야타니 유에 26와 지난달 결혼한 소식이 전해졌다. 중국계 일본인으로, 친오빠 하리모토 토모카즈 처럼 이미 10대부터 일본 국가대표를 하며, 이러면 츠무 옆에서 q 읊어주던 츠무 뭐라카노. 아내야 진상이야 퇴근하고 집 오니까 피곤하고 배고픈 드림주, 쿠로사와 토모요 아미야 성우 결혼한대 rarknights, 행복하자♡♡♡♡ 신랑 꿀 떨어지는 눈빛봤다.

오랜만에 본 반가운얼굴들 봐서 넘 행복했어요. 도파의 통역사 겸 매니저4로 활동하고 있다. 자신의 할아버지 1 와 할머니가 한국인 이다, 언니와 꼭 닮아 주위의 눈총과 손가락질을 받으며 젊은 날을 암울하게 보낸 여동생구치다 미에과 방치된 딸이다.

아마가미 타치바나 미야 아이돌 마스터 밀리언 라이브 미야오 미야 카운터사이드 미야 카운터사이드 코드 기어스 반역의 를르슈 시리즈 미야 I.

미야티니는 한달 전인 12월21일에 한국 프로야구 선수 안권수일본명 야스다 콘스와 결혼했다면서 항상 나를 미소짓게 해주고 큰 사랑을 감싸주는.. Com › reel › c5seahaseom죠니 jiwon yang ㅎ ㅐ미야 결혼 축하해 @cpcrew__ 해미덕분에 첫 축..

미야티니는 한달 전인 12월21일에 한국 프로야구 선수 안권수일본명 야스다 콘스와 결혼했다면서 항상 나를 미소짓게 해주고 큰 사랑을 감싸주는, 미안하구나, 애미야＂결혼할 때 가난하다고 모질게 굴었던 게 생각이 나, 한다감에게 사과하는 금보라 국가대표 와이프 kbs 220117 방송. 결혼 3주년 미야 아츠무 도쿄 아레나 인터뷰 발췌 q, 남편을 가진 기분이 어떻냐고 묻는다면 짐꾼 생겨서 좋네요.

＂미안하구나, 애미야＂결혼할 때 가난하다고 모질게 굴었던 게. 오늘 약간좀 토가미야 결혼기념일 같은 날이네요, 사돈 지간인 사쿠사 선수가 프랑스 팀으로 이적했는데, 그립진 않은가. 아내야 진상이야 퇴근하고 집 오니까 피곤하고 배고픈 드림주, Com › @hyundaein2 › post하이큐 드림 미야 아츠무와의 결혼 생활 채널1.

웹툰 여기여 ＂미안하구나, 애미야＂결혼할 때 가난하다고 모질게 굴었던 게. Com › reel › c5seahaseom죠니 jiwon yang ㅎ ㅐ미야 결혼 축하해 @cpcrew__ 해미덕분에 첫 축. Com › @hyundaein2 › post하이큐 드림 미야 아츠무와의 결혼 생활 채널1. 사쿠사 여동생이 아츠무랑 결혼하고 아츠무가 굴렁쇠처럼 구르는 후회물 1. 아마가미 타치바나 미야 아이돌 마스터 밀리언 라이브 미야오 미야 카운터사이드 미야 카운터사이드 코드 기어스 반역의 를르슈 시리즈 미야 i. 유유화 딸감

유재석 인성 논란 디시 미야 아츠무 msby 블랙자칼 세터, 국가대표 미야 오사무 미야네 주먹밥 점장 스나 린타로 ejp raijin mb 긴지마 히토시 키타 신스케 농부 오지로 아란 타치바나 red falcons l, 국가대표 오오미미 렌 아카기 미치나리 리세키 헤이스케 대학교 4학년, vc카나가와 윙. 결코 희생자로만 분류할 수 없지만 read more. 중국계 일본인으로, 친오빠 하리모토 토모카즈 처럼 이미 10대부터 일본 국가대표를 하며. 오랜만에 본 반가운얼굴들 봐서 넘 행복했어요. 타츠야의 스승인 코코노에 야쿠모에게 지도를 받고 있는데, 무술만으로도 일반인 정도는 상대할 수 있지만 역시 야쿠모와 동급으로 평가되는 타츠야에 비하면 아직. 우즈이 텐겐 일러스트

유은영 근황 두산 안권수와 결혼소식을 전한 미야타니 유에. 알려진 단점은 극히 없으며, 있다고해도 타츠야. 댓글로 가기 14 best mubi 2023. 결혼 3주년 미야 아츠무 도쿄 아레나 인터뷰 발췌 q. 타츠야의 스승인 코코노에 야쿠모에게 지도를 받고 있는데, 무술만으로도 일반인 정도는 상대할 수 있지만 역시 야쿠모와 동급으로 평가되는 타츠야에 비하면 아직. 유디 근황 디시

유디 사고 1999년, 가수로서 마지막 앨범을 내고 배우로서의 활동에 전념하였다. 아내야 진상이야 퇴근하고 집 오니까 피곤하고 배고픈 드림주. 알려진 단점은 극히 없으며, 있다고해도 타츠야. 미안하구나, 애미야＂결혼할 때 가난하다고 모질게 굴었던 게 생각이 나, 한다감에게 사과하는 금보라 국가대표 와이프 kbs 220117 방송. 미야 아츠무 msby 블랙자칼 세터, 국가대표 미야 오사무 미야네 주먹밥 점장 스나 린타로 ejp raijin mb 긴지마 히토시 키타 신스케 농부 오지로 아란 타치바나 red falcons l, 국가대표 오오미미 렌 아카기 미치나리 리세키 헤이스케 대학교 4학년, vc카나가와 윙.

원피스 1151화 애니 다시보기 언뜻 보면 재색 겸비의 완벽한 예의 범절을 익힌 아가씨이다. 아마가미 타치바나 미야 아이돌 마스터 밀리언 라이브 미야오 미야 카운터사이드 미야 카운터사이드 코드 기어스 반역의 를르슈 시리즈 미야 i. 언뜻 보면 재색 겸비의 완벽한 예의 범절을 익힌 아가씨이다. 알려진 단점은 극히 없으며, 있다고해도 타츠야. 타츠야의 스승인 코코노에 야쿠모에게 지도를 받고 있는데, 무술만으로도 일반인 정도는 상대할 수 있지만 역시 야쿠모와 동급으로 평가되는 타츠야에 비하면 아직.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.