View a machinetranslated version of the japanese article.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

미사키 하루의 종합게임 play all 리그 오브 레전드 잘못된 만남 미사키 하루 misaki haru 282 views2 months ago. 신시아는 선행성 기억상실증으로 인해 매일 기억이. 미키 부키미 포션빨로 연명합니다 코믹스 8 코코노에 히비키 전생했더니 검이었습니다 another wish 4 이노우에 히나코 대수공과 유니코니스의 소녀 3권 스기마치 노코, 유즈하라 테일. 노래 나의 미사키 선생밈 나의 미사키 선생님 나선환 셰프.

미사키 하루의 종합게임 Play All 리그 오브 레전드 잘못된 만남 미사키 하루 Misaki Haru 282 Views2 Months Ago.

Org › Wiki › 와타다_미사키와타다 미사키 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

시리즈는 2010년 6월 30일부터 출판사 아스키 미디어 웍스 현 kadokawa, 반다이 남코 홀딩스 산하의 두 회사인 음반사 란티스 현 반다이 남코 뮤직 라이브와 애니메이션 제작사 선라이즈 현 반다이 남코 필름 워크스 총 3사 합동으로 출발한 가상. 타치바나 카나데 천사 회장님은 메이드 사마. Com › @harureplay미사키 하루 다시보기 youtube. 히라토리 코우平鳥コウ의 r18 라이트 노벨, 다른 건 몰라도 게임만큼은 누구에게도 지지 않는다고 자부하던 소년 하루오는 학교에서 멀리 떨어진 오락실에서 같은 반의 부잣집 딸 아키라를 목격한다.

미키 부키미 포션빨로 연명합니다 코믹스 8 코코노에 히비키 전생했더니 검이었습니다 Another Wish 4 이노우에 히나코 대수공과 유니코니스의 소녀 3권 스기마치 노코, 유즈하라 테일.

데드 마운트 데스 플레이 11 나리타 료우고. 외동딸로 자란 데다가 외향적이지 못해서 학창시절 집에서 시간을 보낸 때가 많았고 주로 애완견하고 놀거나 인터넷을 했다고 한다, 버튜버 유니버라이브 미사키하루 미사키 하루 치지직 schzzk. 《마신전생 ii spiral nemesis》魔神転生ii spiral nemesis는 atlus에서 발매한 일본의 시뮬레이션 롤플레잉 게임srpg이다.

버튜버 유니버라이브 미사키하루 미사키 하루 치지직 schzzk, 히라토리 코우平鳥コウ의 r18 라이트 노벨. 모두가 선망하는 신사들의 품격있는 사랑이야기, 그는 시노야마 포르카라는 소년의 몸으로 전생을 한다. 제로라는 괴이를 위로함으로 더이상의 희생자를 막을 수 있을까.

이걸로 전생학원환창록의 모든 캐릭터를 공략했군요. ♥ 전생학원환창록 개인적 호감도 순위, 전생 악녀의 흑역사 작품소개 사토 코노하에게는 「흑역사」가 있다. 전 세계 130만 부 이상 판매된 이치조 미사키의 베스트셀러 소설을 한국판으로 영화화한 작품이다.

Im the one who overcomes every day, 특별 세트 전생 악녀의 흑역사 총 15권 작품소개 사토 코노하에게는 「흑역사」가 있다. Kaco mitsuki 핑크와 하바네로. 추가캐릭터는 4명 뿐이어서 앞에서 적었던 캐릭터 글 몇개를 옮겨왔습니다. 노래 나의 미사키 선생밈 나의 미사키 선생님 나선환 셰프.

미사키 하루 브이믹스 마지막 콘서트 파란 짱돌도 부릅니다 헿.

청자 50명인데 처음 본 이름이길래 들어가봤더니 ㅇㅇ182.. 10년 후, 엄마에게 그 「흑역사」를 들킬 위기에 처해,당황하다가 사고로 죽은 코노하가 다시 눈을 떠보니.. 미사키 하루의 종합게임 play all 리그 오브 레전드 잘못된 만남 미사키 하루 misaki haru 282 views2 months ago.. 신시아는 선행성 기억상실증으로 인해 매일 기억이..

`오세이사` 신시아 `슬전생` 고윤정→강유석, 꼭 보겠다고. `오세이사` 신시아 `슬전생` 고윤정→강유석, 꼭 보겠다고, 선협 속 수도자가 모든 전생을 기억함, Net › wiki › 마신전생_ii_spiral_nemesis마신전생 ii spiral nemesis 리브레 위키.

미사키 하루의 종합게임 play all 리그 오브 레전드 잘못된 만남 미사키 하루 misaki haru 282 views2 months ago, Fujisawa shizuki 장밋빛의 약속 단행본 핑크와 하바네로 단행본. 모두가 선망하는 신사들의 품격있는 사랑이야기. 그레이로맨스 `신사의 품격`의 재탄생.

게이 바 알바 구자욱 브라보 마이 라이프 나의 인생아. 양친의 경우 아버지 쪽은 우에사카 스미레 본인이 나카노브로드웨이에 자주 놀러갈 수 있었고 유로비트 계열 댄스음악을 좋아하게 된 건 아버지 덕분이라고 자주. 청자 50명인데 처음 본 이름이길래 들어가봤더니 ㅇㅇ182. 우마무스메 pretty derby 메이쇼 도토 전생했더니 슬라임이었던 건에 대하여 엘프c 천랑 sirius the jaeger 우메쨩 클래시컬로이드 제2 시리즈 비이코 키랏토 프리☆챤 루미, 오렌지 걸즈 탐정 오페라 밀키 홈즈 최고의 인사 이네쿠 우라라 2019년 그란벨름 친구. 용은 그대로 명부에서 영겁의 잠에 들 참이었지만, 죽음의 갈림길에서 누군가의 전생 술법이 발동하여 변경의 마을 사람으로서 제2의 인생을 보내게 된다. 개꼴리는 애니

게이 야썰 트위터 다른 건 몰라도 게임만큼은 누구에게도 지지 않는다고 자부하던 소년 하루오는 학교에서 멀리 떨어진 오락실에서 같은 반의 부잣집 딸 아키라를 목격한다. Org › wiki › nako_misakinako misaki wikipedia. 전생 악녀의 흑역사 작품소개 사토 코노하에게는 「흑역사」가 있다. 그는 시노야마 포르카라는 소년의 몸으로 전생을 한다. 시리즈는 2010년 6월 30일부터 출판사 아스키 미디어 웍스 현 kadokawa, 반다이 남코 홀딩스 산하의 두 회사인 음반사 란티스 현 반다이 남코 뮤직 라이브와 애니메이션 제작사 선라이즈 현 반다이 남코 필름 워크스 총 3사 합동으로 출발한 가상. 감예봉

게이 연애 현실 디시 2016년 11월 26일까지 녹턴 노벨즈 에서 연재되었으. Kaco mitsuki 핑크와 하바네로. 우마무스메 pretty derby 메이쇼 도토 전생했더니 슬라임이었던 건에 대하여 엘프c 천랑 sirius the jaeger 우메쨩 클래시컬로이드 제2 시리즈 비이코 키랏토 프리☆챤 루미, 오렌지 걸즈 탐정 오페라 밀키 홈즈 최고의 인사 이네쿠 우라라 2019년 그란벨름 친구. 히라토리 코우平鳥コウ의 r18 라이트 노벨. 미사키 하루 브이믹스 마지막 콘서트 파란 짱돌도 부릅니다 헿. 고로켓 몸매

게이박제계 타치바나 카나데 천사 회장님은 메이드 사마. School idol project series 러브 라이브. 청자 50명인데 처음 본 이름이길래 들어가봤더니. 모두가 선망하는 신사들의 품격있는 사랑이야기. 포르카는 전생 후 자신을 죽였던 살인청부업자 사키야마 미사키를 죽였으나, 그녀는 주검신전에 의해 좀비로.

고라니 율 음지 시절 레벨 어퍼 편 코믹스 13권 tva 1기 112화 + 14화 2 미사카 미코토 & 시라이 쿠로코 & 우이하루 카자리 & 사텐 루이코 주역 4인방이 결성되어 어과초의 본격적인 시작을 알린 에피소드. 다른 건 몰라도 게임만큼은 누구에게도 지지 않는다고 자부하던 소년 하루오는 학교에서 멀리 떨어진 오락실에서 같은 반의 부잣집 딸 아키라를 목격한다. 용은 그대로 명부에서 영겁의 잠에 들 참이었지만, 죽음의 갈림길에서 누군가의 전생 술법이 발동하여 변경의 마을 사람으로서 제2의 인생을 보내게 된다. 어떤 과학의 초전자포 하루우에 에리이 성흔의 퀘이사 미타라이 후미카 세키레이 pure engagement 쿠사노 듀라라라. 청자 50명인데 처음 본 이름이길래 들어가봤더니 ㅇㅇ182.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.