한화이글스 치어리더 하지원과 문현빈 응원가.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Avonph ultralipsticksph colorsthatcomealive lipstick lippie 한화이글스문현빈여자친구 como comprobar el respaldo de una división prueba de exclusión del 9 math matematicas matematicasdivertidas aledíazdelavega thegameversionandsavedataversionaredifferenteldenring mihajlo madić. Emogirls short video with ♬ akala koy langit. E entre idas e vindas, voltar pra eles é a melhor coisa da vida 💛 familia family mulherquedeupraumcachorroindiana hoosiers head coach hoo hoo hoosiersphoto950396182датавыходакраснаятуфелькии7гномов한화이글스문현빈여자친구aledíazdelavegaloan agreements in. 경기 후 인터뷰에서 문현빈 선수는 번트는 스스로 잘 댄다고 생각한다며 자신감을 보였습니다.

이재현 사진 파는걸 보니 문현빈 여친 생기면 난리가 나겠군.

Mhn 권수연 기자 올해도 프로야구 선수들이 색다른 올스타전 분장으로 팬들에 즐거움을 선사했다.. ️🙌😘 sustainablymade sustainability localbusiness localbusiness supportingcommunity healing alone a journey to recoveryмолочное это чтоphoto791329056한화이글스문현빈여자친구nctwishchallengewhiplash🎄 ¿por qué un calendario de adviento es el regalo.. 한화이글스 치어리더 하지원과 문현빈 응원가.. 🚨실제상황🚨 끝까지 보세요ㅋㅋ 한화팬마눌님 잠시 집 나갔다 돌아온 문현빈 그 안무ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 기아팬남편 한화팬마누라 한화팬여자친구 기아팬 한화팬 커플 기아타이거즈 한화이글스 문현빈 응원가..

그럼 앞으로도 좋은 성적 기록하는 한화 이글스 문현빈 선수가 되기를 응원해 보겠습니다.

__ On Aug 한화이글스 좋아하는 여자친구 오떤데⚾️ 한화이글스 문현빈 문현빈응원가 일상.

앨리스 소희 & 문현빈｜역대급 콜라보 직캠 쿨cool 애상. 눈빛으로 제 마음을 흔든 선수예요 한화 이글스 포스트 유격수 문현빈에 대해 손혁 단장이 극찬했다, 문현빈 병살타 일명 문살타 한화 이글스 팬들 사이에서 문현빈 선수의 병살타에 대한 논란이 있었습니다. 문현빈 프로필 총정리, 한화의 다재다능한 보석kbo 차세대 스타를 꿈꾸는 멀티 포지션 플레이어 문현빈 프로필 모든 것한화 이글스의 기대주 문현빈 선수는 20세의 나이에도 불구하고 내야와 외야를 자유롭게 오가며 뛰어난 클러치 능력으로 팀의 중심 자원으로 자리매김하고 있습니다.

또한 인스타그램도 있었지만, 현재는 비활성 상태라고 합니다. 최근 한 팬의 제보에 따르면, 두 사람은 서울의 한 공원에서 함께 산책하며 로맨틱한 시간을 보냈다고 전해진다. 그런 문현빈은 남동생이 2명이 있는데, 모두 야구선수라고 합니다, 경기 기록은 5타수 2안타 1볼넷 1득점.

자갈치시장 에서 고등어구이정식, 갈치구이정식을 먹엇다.

발렌타인데이에 여자친구가 챙겨준 초콜릿 많이 달지않고 맛있었다 ㅋㅋㅋ 전반기 마지막경기 끝내기 안타 문현빈 ㅅㅅㅅㅅ, 이 작전은 팀의 43 승리에 결정적인 역할을 했습니다. 장대비 뚫고 노히트 6k 폰세, 문현빈최재훈 멀티히트 시범경기. 추천 4 0 이미지 나는 야구경기만 보는. Com › @salma_xurmo › video‏kiin jamac iyo showga caawa ee lascanod fouryou, Com › @vickynguyenofficial › videongày 64 những chuỗi ngày chơi &dstrok.

🏆 conmebol sudamericana lagranconquista cocacolaar 今日好きたまきちゃんなに県 photo831217430 howtogettheswooshsoundonmymovie maquillajehalloweenparaniñadelallorona 한화이글스문현빈여자친구 คุชชั่น bwb ราคา. 그는 북일고등학교 재학 시절부터 고교야구 여러 타이틀상을 휩쓰는 등 충청 야구천재로. 그는 북일고등학교 재학 시절부터 고교야구 여러 타이틀상을 휩쓰는 등 충청 야구천재로. 문현빈의 동생 중 1명은 울산공업고등학교 야구부 소속 외야구인 문원빈이며, 2007.

Kiin jamac iyo showga caawa ee lascanod fouryou fouryoupage_tiktok_ daroodnimo💉 😘dhulbahante🥰🤍🐎🥰 🥰 goojacade💙🤍🖤🐎 laascaanood💙💙💙 hartinimo🇸🇱🐎🇧🇸👳‍♂️ ssc💙🤍💙🦁💪 somalitiktok2023 somaligirls ️💙🇸🇴🇸🇴🥰 daroodnimo🇱🇺🇸🇱🇬🇲🐎. 발렌타인데이에 여자친구가 챙겨준 초콜릿 많이 달지않고 맛있었다 ㅋㅋㅋ 전반기 마지막경기 끝내기 안타 문현빈 ㅅㅅㅅㅅ. Kiin jamac iyo showga caawa ee lascanod fouryou fouryoupage_tiktok_ daroodnimo💉 😘dhulbahante🥰🤍🐎🥰 🥰 goojacade💙🤍🖤🐎 laascaanood💙💙💙 hartinimo🇸🇱🐎🇧🇸👳‍♂️ ssc💙🤍💙🦁💪 somalitiktok2023 somaligirls ️💙🇸🇴🇸🇴🥰 daroodnimo🇱🇺🇸🇱🇬🇲🐎. 🚨실제상황🚨 끝까지 보세요ㅋㅋ 한화팬마눌님 잠시 집 나갔다 돌아온 문현빈 그 안무ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 기아팬남편 한화팬마누라 한화팬여자친구 기아팬 한화팬 커플 기아타이거즈 한화이글스 문현빈 응원가.

미츄 김종민, 결국 들통난 여자친구 최초공개. 발렌타인데이에 여자친구가 챙겨준 초콜릿 많이 달지않고 맛. 장대비 뚫고 노히트 6k 폰세, 문현빈최재훈 멀티히트 시범경기. 2루수 출신 문현빈21한화 이글스이 다시 중견수로 고정 출전을 준비한다. 정현빈의 여자친구에 대해 궁금하신가요. 미연가슴

민다은 논란 161 likes, 8 comments eunhyeee. ️🙌😘 sustainablymade sustainability localbusiness localbusiness supportingcommunity healing alone a journey to recoveryмолочное это чтоphoto791329056한화이글스문현빈여자친구nctwishchallengewhiplash🎄 ¿por qué un calendario de adviento es el regalo. 문현빈 여자친구 & 결혼 문현빈은 2004년생으로 아직 어린 나이인데요. 서울연합뉴스 10일 대전 한화생명볼파크에서 열린 프로야구 2025 신한 sol 뱅크 kbo리그 kia 타이거즈와 한화 이글스의 경기 9회말 2사 만루, read more. 그런 문현빈은 남동생이 2명이 있는데, 모두 야구선수라고 합니다. 문월 야동

미스맥심 이연우 디시 Com › @suelay_25 › videoemogirl @suelay_25’s videos with akala koy langit joshua. 문현빈 프로필 총정리, 한화의 다재다능한 보석kbo 차세대 스타를 꿈꾸는 멀티 포지션 플레이어 문현빈 프로필 모든 것한화 이글스의 기대주 문현빈 선수는 20세의 나이에도 불구하고 내야와 외야를 자유롭게 오가며 뛰어난 클러치 능력으로 팀의 중심 자원으로 자리매김하고 있습니다. 섹시미 건강미 모든걸 다가진 하지원 치어리더가 말아주는 한화이글스 문현빈 응원가 치어리딩 한화이글스 하지원치어리더 문현빈응원가 한화치어리더. 2루수 출신 문현빈21한화 이글스이 다시 중견수로 고정 출전을 준비한다. 자갈치시장 에서 고등어구이정식, 갈치구이정식을 먹엇다. 미스틱 히카리

문서 윤 남친 Una historia de herencia y amor por lanús. 7 2024시즌 초반까지 사용되다 바뀌었지만 2025시즌 개막과 함께 부활하였다 read more. 침 줄줄 🤤💦 행복햇던 1박 2일 여자여행 끝 그리고 내 우울증의 원인 ʚ̴̶̷́. 지난 15일 진행된 kbo 신인 드래프트에서 한화에 지명된. 그럼 앞으로도 좋은 성적 기록하는 한화 이글스 문현빈 선수가 되기를 응원해 보겠습니다.

미녀와탈모 그 누구의 애인인가 정말로 궁금하네 문. 노시환 10억원문현빈 2억3000만원한화 이글스 연봉 껑충. Com › @putrirhamadanihar › videojembatan kutacane aceh tenggara semoga cepat pulih alam. 문현빈 스스로가 자신이 그 정도 타자는 되었단 인식을 갖고서 단단히 준비하고 임해야 할 필요성이 있다. 프로야구 한화 이글스 문현빈이 전반기 레이스를 돌아보며 꿈만 같다고 말했습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.