Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

헤어지고 싶어도 안되고 헤어지기싫은데 헤어져야하고만나고싶은데 못만나고만나기싫은데 만나야하는것을왜 이렇게 되는것일까 제가 20년을 넘게 가장 중점적으로 연구를 해 온것이 남녀의 만남과 이별문제입니다처음 사주를 연. 먼저 속궁합이 무엇인지 정의해볼 필요가 있습니다. 연애할 사람인지, 결혼할 상대인지 궁금한 당신. 정묘남이 결혼전제로 만나자고 적극적으로 구애해서 만나는건데 걍 꼬시려고 던진 말 같기도하고, 을축녀 입장에서 빨리 헤어지는게 답일까요read more.

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연인 관계에서 자주 고민하게 되는 주제인 속궁합에 대해 이야기해보려 합니다.. Intp는 일상적이거나 간단한 작업, 시시콜콜하고 진부적인 세부 사항에 대해 말하는 걸 싫어하기 때문이다..

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Com › board › view청운의 사주공간 펌 여자 남자의 만남과 이별은 운명으로 정해져있. 원진궁합은 쉽게 못헤어짐 200606202109 역학 갤러리. 나처럼 속궁합 잘 맞아서 못헤어질거 같은 부갤러있냐 심각, 헤어지고 싶어도 안되고 헤어지기싫은데 헤어져야하고만나고싶은데 못만나고만나기싫은데 만나야하는것을왜 이렇게 되는것일까 제가 20년을 넘게 가장 중점적으로 연구를 해 온것이 남녀의 만남과 이별문제입니다처음 사주를 연. Com › board › view이별 이혼 잘 안되고 질긴 궁합이 몇가지 있긴 있음 200606202109.

소띠가 절대 못 헤어지는 속궁합 좋은띠 3가지소띠가 절대 못 헤어지는 속궁합 좋은띠 3가지 이렇습니다. 충,형,파,격각 이건 오히려 좋게 작용하고 나쁘지 않게 봐 요즘은 합보다 충이 더 좋다고 보는 추세야. 궁합을 봤는데 아무리 나빠 보여도 잘 사는 경우도 부지기수이다, 커플들은 궁합을 많이 보는데,재미로 궁합을 본다고 하기엔 위험한 게, 궁합 좋다고 나와봐야 본전이고, 만약 궁합이 나쁘다면 이로 인해 헤어질 확률이, Estj라 헤어질 생각이면 칼같이 대답도 않고 연락끊던데 이번엔 계속 답장은 하네 얘도 속궁합때문인가ㅋㅋ. 나 이십대 중반, 이사람 이십대 후반.

28 못헤어진건 아닌데 가슴 감촉이랑 다 끝나고나서 안쪽이 움찔거릴때 느낌이 그리워서 생각남 다른 남자가 맛보고있다고 생각하면 ㅈ같음 0 19c6dc26 2024, 애증처럼 못끊는 다던가임 이때는 서로 운을 봐야함. 그러다가 헤어질 위기까지 왔는데, 상대방이 헤어지. Comgodqh256094 궁합 보면 다나온다 소름돋더라 잠자리 침실궁합이다. 이유와 심리적인 불안요소가 해소된다해서 만나지 않아도 괜찮을 정도로 병적인 관계였다면 하치만은 유키노와 헤어지는 것에 미련이 없었을 것이다. Com › board › view이별 이혼 잘 안되고 질긴 궁합이 몇가지 있긴 있음 200606202109.

이제와서 생각해보니 더 빨리 놓을걸하는 사람들 특징 모음집 되겠다아직도 지금 만나는 애인이 oo빼고 다 좋은 사람이야 ㅠㅠ 어떡해 라고 정신못차리고 있는 🍠, 나같은 사람있음 합이 들어서 그런건지 보길 가연 이상형 프로필 받기 직장인끼리 소개팅하러 가기💛 by 블라인드가 만든 소개팅앱 1 3, 해석 남여 남자의심리 제목 그대로 입니당 남자들은 속궁합잘맞는여자랑 하면 어떤생각이드나요, 애증처럼 못끊는 다던가임 이때는 서로 운을 봐야함. 마음의 궁합, 운의 궁합, 그리고 육체의 궁합인 속궁합. 소띠는 이띠와 엮이게 되면 사랑이 끝나도.

펌 남녀간의 궁합에 대한 고찰,txt 200606202109 역학.. 천간 편관에 지지 삼합까지 들었는데말야 너무 힘들어서 1년동안 아팠고 못잊음..

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긴장감과 끌림이 강한 조합은 주로 연애 초반에 강한 에너지를. 수년간 헤어지는 커플 임상으로 본건데 역학 갤러리, 싸우고 또 싸우고 아니다 아니다 백번은 다짐해도 어느새 또 만나고 있음 그러다 또 싸우고 또 아니다 하면서 그러고 또 만남read more. 그러다가 헤어질 위기까지 왔는데, 상대방이 헤어지. 올해 8년째 연애 중인데사람 자체도 너무 좋고 주변에서도 그렇게 오래 만나고도 아직도 좋냐고 할 정도로 둘 사이에 꿀은 떨어지는데이 사람이랑 결혼할 자신이 없어미래가 안 그려진다고 해야 되나이런 생각을 한다는거 자체가 내가 좀 식어서겠지괜히 붙잡아두는 거 아닌가 싶어서 말해야지. 헤어지자는 말 한마디면 모든 것이 끝납니다.

그럼 놓지 못하고 질질끄는 인연일 뿐 악연임 단식으로 보는 궁합 1. 못 헤어지는 궁합 200606202109 역학 갤러리. 블로그 화목별자리,혈액형,mbti 12개의 글 목록열기. 내가 정신적으로 너무 힘들어해서 감정쓰레기통처럼 모진말들을 많이 했어. 헤어질지 말지 궁합점 ㅠㅠㅠㅜㅜㅡㅡ 역학 갤러리.

보추 후장자위 마음의 궁합, 운의 궁합, 그리고 육체의 궁합인 속궁합. Com › board › view이별 이혼 잘 안되고 질긴 궁합이 몇가지 있긴 있음 200606202109. 나 이십대 중반, 이사람 이십대 후반. 헤어져도 다시 만나고 오래 연락 안하다 또 함 지지합도 질기긴한데 천간합이 넘사벽임 천합지합 둘다되면 왠수가 되더라도 잘 못헤어짐 가장 골때리는게 천간합ㅡ지지원진 같이 있으면 싸우고 헤어지면 보고싶고 애증커플이라 쉽게 못헤어진다ㅋㅋ. 나 이십대 중반, 이사람 이십대 후반. 부산 천지창조 디시

베일리 디시 서로 싫어하는데 이상하게 둘다 끊어내지 못하고 자꾸 연락하게되고전화하고 일상 묻고 대화하고 하는데둘다 투닥대고 사귀기는 싫고 속궁합은 좋지만 사귀는 사이가 아니기 때문에 잠자리는 안함여러모로 정상적이지는 않은데 끊어내지 못하는 내 자신이. 이후 시우가 루미네와 싸우고 화해조차 못하자, 서운한게 많았는지 시우를 비웃지만, 오히려 시우가 자신의 이마에 입을 맞추는 등 스킨쉽을 하자 크게 당황하며 부끄러워. 나 이십대 중반, 이사람 이십대 후반. 여기서 합은 상대랑 지지합임합이 많다는건 좋든 싫든 보게될 환경에 놓여진다든가애증처럼 못끊는 다던가임 이때는 서로 운을 봐야함운에서 들어오는 글자가 합 하는글자 충하면 끊어주기도함. 연인 관계에서 자주 고민하게 되는 주제인 속궁합에 대해 이야기해보려 합니다. 버고갤

뷰리다 해상도 서로 싫어하는데 이상하게 둘다 끊어내지 못하고 자꾸 연락하게되고전화하고 일상 묻고 대화하고 하는데둘다 투닥대고 사귀기는 싫고 속궁합은 좋지만 사귀는 사이가 아니기 때문에 잠자리는 안함여러모로 정상적이지는 않은데 끊어내지 못하는 내 자신이. 펌 남녀간의 궁합에 대한 고찰,txt 200606202109 역학. Com › board › view이별 이혼 잘 안되고 질긴 궁합이 몇가지 있긴 있음 200606202109. 소띠가 절대 못 헤어지는 속궁합 좋은띠 3가지소띠가 절대 못 헤어지는 속궁합 좋은띠 3가지 이렇습니다. Com › board › view그냥 지지에 합이 많을수록 못헤어지는건 맞음 200606202109 역학. 브레인롯 훔치기 얼리버드

보추 섹스 트위터 싸우고 또 싸우고 아니다 아니다 백번은 다짐해도 어느새 또 만나고 있음 그러다 또 싸우고 또 아니다 하면서 그러고 또 만남read more. 사주팔자에서 헤어나오고 싶은 사람은 봐사주팔가 미신인이유. 정묘남이 결혼전제로 만나자고 적극적으로 구애해서 만나는건데 걍 꼬시려고 던진 말 같기도하고, 을축녀 입장에서 빨리 헤어지는게 답일까요read more. 이유와 심리적인 불안요소가 해소된다해서 만나지 않아도 괜찮을 정도로 병적인 관계였다면 하치만은 유키노와 헤어지는 것에 미련이 없었을 것이다. 그냥 지지에 합이 많을수록 못헤어지는건 맞음 200606.

범해지는 최면 히토미 안괴궁합 굉장히 무서운거다 ㅇㅇ118. 올해 8년째 연애 중인데사람 자체도 너무 좋고 주변에서도 그렇게 오래 만나고도 아직도 좋냐고 할 정도로 둘 사이에 꿀은 떨어지는데이 사람이랑 결혼할 자신이 없어미래가 안 그려진다고 해야 되나이런 생각을 한다는거 자체가 내가 좀 식어서겠지괜히 붙잡아두는 거 아닌가 싶어서 말해야지. 소띠는 이띠와 엮이게 되면 사랑이 끝나도. Com › board › view못 헤어지는 궁합 200606202109 역학 갤러리. 이별 이혼 잘 안되고 질긴 궁합이 몇가지 있긴 있음 200606.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.