세계적인 주짓떼로 웰링턴 디아스의 딸로, 의붓어머니 루시아나 타바레스도 주짓수 블랙벨트여서 그런 부모님의 영향으로 3살 때 주짓수를 시작했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

‘주짓수 여제’ 맥켄지 던30, 미국이 이혼의 충격을 딛고 ufc 메인이벤트에서 안젤라 힐38, 미국과 한판 승부를 벌인다. 하지만 2022년 현재, 맥켄지 던의 인스타그램 q&a에서 싱글이라고 밝히면서 이혼을 했거나 별거를 하는 것으로 보인다. Ufc의 대표적인 미녀 파이터 맥켄지 던의 오픈 트레이닝. 5년 만의 복수는 달콤했다ufc 맥켄지 던, 히바스에 암바.

Kr › Article › 202501130950003맥켄지 던 복수는 나의 것 5년만의 포효.

Official photo by ufc korea on.. 최근 이혼 관련 소송으로 훈련 캠프기간 내내 법원을 드나들었다고 고백하여 이혼 소송 중임이 밝혀졌다.. 5년 만의 복수는 달콤했다ufc 맥켄지 던, 히바스에 암바.. Com › sports › article‘이혼 충격→전투력 폭발’ 맥켄지 던, 승부욕 활활 반드시 승리..

맥켄지 던 mackenzie dern은 주짓수에서 세계적인 명성을 얻은 후 ufc 여성 스트로급으로 종합격투기 mma에 전향한 선수입니다. Com › 맥켄지던주짓수맥켄지 던 주짓수 전설에서 ufc 강자로 프로필, 사진 korea der. Com › mackenziedernmackenzie dern @mackenziedern instagram photos and.

Adcc와 아부다비 대회 우승 경험이 있는 맥켄지 던이 Ufc 222에서 스트로급의 애쉴리 요더와 데뷔전을 치릅니다.

그런 이유에서 세계적인 여성 주짓떼로 맥켄지 던의 도전은 특별하다. Com › 6387465338ㅇㅎ ufc 선수 맥켄지 던 주짓수 씹어먹던 시절 유머움짤이슈 에. Com › mgallery › board맥켄지 던 vs 잔디로바 최고의 장면들 모음 ufc 종합격투기 mma. 세계선수권 2회 우승, 팬암선수권 2 read more. 계속 감량실패 하던 선수인데 출산하고 평체관리 잘된다고 하더니 슴가랑 엉덩이 하체, ‘주짓수 여제’ 맥켄지 던30, 미국이 이혼의 충격을 딛고 ufc 메인이벤트에서 안젤라 힐38, 미국과 한판 승부를 벌인다.

더 강해진 맥켄지 던👏👏 @mackenziedern ufcvegas101, Ufc의 대표적인 미녀 파이터 맥켄지 던의 오픈 트레이닝. 발리 다시가도 저는 여기요 북적임에서 벗어나 조용하게 쉬기. 미시 goatㄷㄷㄷㄷ일주일전에 남편과 이혼했다는게 ㄹㅇ꼴림. Kr › article › 202501130950003맥켄지 던 복수는 나의 것 5년만의 포효, 출산한 다음 슴가가 조금 줄어든 느낌이던데.

Rufc ailin t perez 92 205 buenos aires. Ufc의 대표적인 미녀 파이터 맥켄지 던의 오픈 트레이닝, 이건 ufc에서 최고의 엉덩이를 위한 싸움일지도 몰라. Com › 맥켄지던주짓수맥켄지 던 주짓수 전설에서 ufc 강자로 프로필, 사진 korea der. 미시 goatㄷㄷㄷㄷ일주일전에 남편과 이혼했다는게 ㄹㅇ꼴림.

Com › news › maegkenjideonuiufcjeongchag맥켄지 던의 ufc 정착 ufc. Com › mittlivsom › 221176494737주짓수 슈퍼스타 맥켄지 던 ufc 222에서 데뷔, 최근 이혼 관련 소송으로 훈련 캠프기간 내내 법원을 드나들었다고 고백하여 이혼 소송 중임이 밝혀졌다.

Official photo by ufc korea on. 지난 12일, 미국 네바다주 라스베이거스에서 열린 ufc 파이트 나이트 던 vs 히바스 2 메인 이벤트에서 던은 3라운드 암바 서브미션으로 히바스를 제압하며 새로운 역사를 썼습니다. ‘주짓수 여제’ 맥켄지 던30∙미국브라질이 일취월장한 타격 실력을 선보이며 안젤라 힐38∙미국을 제압했다. 주짓수 선수시절 세계적인 주짓떼로 웰링턴 디아스의 딸로, 의붓어머니 루시아나 타바레스도 주짓수 블랙벨트여서 그런 부모님의 영향으로 3살 때 주짓수를 시작했다, 맥켄지도 지난 1일 자신의 회사 페이스북에 견주의 보안카메라 동영상을 올리고, 소형견 견주들에게 주의를 당부했다, 유머움짤이슈 움짤 인기글 목록 2023.

@mackenziedern 계체 통과에 기분 업, Com › mittlivsom › 221176494737주짓수 슈퍼스타 맥켄지 던 ufc 222에서 데뷔, 더 강해진 맥켄지 던 @mackenziedern, 연관 갤러리 ufc 종합격투기 mma 갤러리 타 갤러리 0 이 갤러리가 연관 갤러리로 추가한 갤러리.

계속 감량실패 하던 선수인데 출산하고 평체관리 잘된다고 하더니 슴가랑 엉덩이 하체.. 던은 2016년 종합격투기에 데뷔해 2018년 5승 무패의 전적으로 ufc에서 입성해 옥타곤에서 꾸준히 경쟁하고 있다..

14살 때부터 성인부에서 활동했으며 대회에 나갔다 하면 우승을 밥먹듯이 하면서 만 20세가 되기 3개월 전인 2012년 12월에 블랙.

세계 3대 메이저 주짓수 대회 블랙벨트 부문에서 총 7개의 금메달을 목에 걸었다. 어린 시절부터 주짓수를 시작하여 주짓수 블랙벨트를 보유한 던은 mma에서도 뛰어난 그라운드 기술을 선보이며 주목받고 있습니다. 글쎄, 맥켄지 던의 1번 도전자가 될 것 같아. 벤 헨더슨과 같은 mma lab 소속의 파이터입니다. @mackenziedern 계체 통과에 기분 업.

lengiiiii 야동 Com › news › maegkenjideonuiufcjeongchag맥켄지 던의 ufc 정착 ufc. 맥켄지도 지난 1일 자신의 회사 페이스북에 견주의 보안카메라 동영상을 올리고, 소형견 견주들에게 주의를 당부했다. 세계 3대 메이저 주짓수 대회 블랙벨트 부문에서 총 7개의 금메달을 목에 걸었다. Adcc와 아부다비 대회 우승 경험이 있는 맥켄지 던이 ufc 222에서 스트로급의 애쉴리 요더와 데뷔전을 치릅니다. 글쎄, 맥켄지 던의 1번 도전자가 될 것 같아. koreanfakes winter

kuzu 인스타 세계선수권 2회 우승, 팬암선수권 2 read more. 브라질 출신인 아버지를 따라 어렸을 때부터 브라질과 미국을 오가며 살았기 때문에 포르투갈어도 능숙하다. 세계적인 주짓떼로 웰링턴 디아스의 딸로, 의붓어머니 루시아나 타바레스도 주짓수 블랙벨트여서 그런 부모님의 영향으로 3살 때 주짓수를 시작했다. 어린 시절부터 주짓수를 시작하여 주짓수 블랙벨트를 보유한 던은 mma에서도 뛰어난 그라운드 기술을 선보이며 주목받고 있습니다. 303 likes, 0 comments ufc_korea on janu 뷰리풀 암바. kor bolt twitter

korean rice bunnies prelude 세계 3대 메이저 주짓수 대회 블랙벨트 부문에서 총 7개의 금메달을 목에 걸었다. Com › news › maegkenjideonuiufcjeongchag맥켄지 던의 ufc 정착 ufc. 최근 이혼 관련 소송으로 훈련 캠프기간 내내 법원을 드나들었다고 고백하여 이혼 소송 중임이 밝혀졌다. 2m followers, 1,580 following, 911 posts see instagram photos and videos from mackenzie dern @mackenziedern. 최근 이혼 관련 소송으로 훈련 캠프기간 내내 법원을 드나들었다고 고백하여 이혼 소송 중임이 밝혀졌다. kuzu mogumuci

konyan 디시 그런 이유에서 세계적인 여성 주짓떼로 맥켄지 던의 도전은 특별하다. 맥켄지 던 mackenzie dern은 주짓수에서 세계적인 명성을 얻은 후 ufc 여성 스트로급으로 종합격투기 mma에 전향한 선수입니다. Com › mackenziedernmackenzie dern @mackenziedern instagram photos and. 브라질 출신인 아버지를 따라 어렸을 때부터 브라질과 미국을 오가며 살았기 때문에 포르투갈어도 능숙하다. 하지만 2022년 현재, 맥켄지 던의 인스타그램 q&a에서 싱글이라고 밝히면서 이혼을 했거나 별거를 하는 것으로 보인다.

kr eporner 어린 시절부터 주짓수를 시작하여 주짓수 블랙벨트를 보유한 던은 mma에서도 뛰어난 그라운드 기술을 선보이며 주목받고 있습니다. @mackenziedern 계체 통과에 기분 업. Com › mackenziedernmackenzie dern @mackenziedern instagram photos and. 맥켄지 던 mackenzie dern은 주짓수에서 세계적인 명성을 얻은 후 ufc 여성 스트로급으로 종합격투기 mma에 전향한 선수입니다. 14살 때부터 성인부에서 활동했으며 대회에 나갔다 하면 우승을 밥먹듯이 하면서 만 20세가 되기 3개월 전인 2012년 12월에 블랙.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.