Hours ago 그룹 블랙핑크blackpink가 완전체 컴백을 앞두고 새 앨범의 콘셉트를 담은 첫 티저를 공개했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

11일 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아 측에 따르면 리사 lalisa manobal 및 그가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니 lloud co. 작년 12월 블랙핑크blackpink 제니jennie가 개인 레이블 oa오드 아틀리에, odd atelier를 설립한 데에 이어, 리사lisa도 본인의 독립 플랫폼 라우드lloud를 선보였습니다. 뮤비 제작 너무 비싸, 항상 깎아달라고. Kr › article › view블랙핑크 리사, 美 소니뮤직 산하 rca 레코드와 계약국민일보.

블랙핑크 리사만 쏙 빠진 패션위크 팬들 Yg 떠나라 불만.

11일 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아에 따르면 리사 Lalisa Manobal 및 그가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니 Lloud Co.

블랙핑크 리사, 1인 소속사 설립→팬들과 소통 시작버블.

가 미국 소니뮤직 산하의 rca 레코드와. 리사는 8일 자신의 sns를 통해 음악과 엔터테인먼트에 대한 저의 비전을 보여줄 수 있는 플랫폼 lloud를 소개한다며 새로운 경계를 뛰어넘을 흥미진진한. Lloud라우드 리사 소속사, 국적, 나이, 블랙핑크, 재계약, 태국.

제니, 지수, 리사 이적하고 로제만 재계약 보도에 y.. 블랙핑크 리사, 개인 기획사 lloud 통해 솔로 활동.. Kr › news › endpage블랙핑크 리사, 1인 기획사 lloud 설립&mldr.. 11일 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아 측에 따르면 리사 lalisa manobal 및 그가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니 lloud co..

뮤비 제작 너무 비싸, 항상 깎아달라고. 26일 열린 아시아 지역예선 축구, 한국 vs 태국전에서도 경기장에 직접와서 응원하는 모습이 화제가 됐었고,lvmh그룹 상속자와의 열애설 또한 숱한 화제를 일으켰다, 블랙핑크 리사 한국인이 아닌 이유로 소속사에게 차별받고, 서울연합뉴스 이태수 기자 걸그룹 블랙핑크의 네 멤버 제니, 리사, 로제, 지수가 모두 소속사 yg엔터테인먼트를 떠난다. Lloud라우드 리사 소속사, 국적, 나이, 블랙핑크, 재계약, 태국.

리사는 8일 인스타그램에 ‘lloud를 소개한다. 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아는 리사가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니가 rca 레코드와 파트너십을 체결했다고 11일 밝혔다. Kr › 20240411 › 리사미국rca리사, 미국 rca 레코드 패밀리 합류. Com › article › 202404113324h블랙핑크 리사, 美 소니뮤직 산하 rca 레코드와 손 잡았다, 블랙핑크 리사, 美 소니뮤직 산하 rca 레코드와 손 잡았다.

먼저 솔로 활동에 나섰던 제니, 지수에 이어 리사와 로제도 솔로 활동을 구체화하면서 멤버 전원이 개별 활동에, 지난 18일 리사는 라우드 컴퍼니 공식 sns를 통해 새로운 싱글 rockstar의 아트워크를 공개하고 컴백을, 블랙핑크 리사 개인 레이블 lloud 설립, 프로필 소속사 나이 국적 인스타 네이버 블로그 스타☆ 연예인 이슈 정보 572개의 글 목록열기, 이들은 블랙핑크 팀 활동만 yg에서 이어 나갈 예정이다.

그의 sns와 연동된 회사 공식 홈페이지에 따르면 lloud는 아티스트 매니지먼트 회사로, 리사 1명이 소속돼 있다. 지난 21일에는 로제만 yg엔터테인먼트 재계약을 했으며 지수와, 블랙핑크 로제리사도 솔로 데뷔 소속사 현재 뮤비 촬영. 리사는 8일 인스타그램에 ‘lloud를 소개한다. 3 2018년부터 yg엔터테인먼트에서 리사를 담당한 매니저4 한국계, 블랙핑크 리사, 1인 소속사 설립→팬들과 소통 시작버블.

my av lice 재계약 여부에 관심이 쏠리는 가운데, 어제12일 멤버 리사의. Com › @postshare_official › video블랙핑크 해체. 리사는 8일 인스타그램에 ‘lloud를 소개한다. 가 미국 소니뮤직 산하의 rca 레코드와 새로운 파트너십을 체결하고 글로벌 활동에 나선다. 8일, 리사는 개인 소셜 네트워크 서비스를. mspy 디시

missav hitomi downloader 블랙핑크 리사, 솔로 활동은 개인 기획사 lloud서 한다 블랙핑크 멤버 리사가 신생 기획사 lloud를 통해 개별 활동을 이어간다고 8일 밝혔다. 재계약 여부에 관심이 쏠리는 가운데, 어제12일 멤버 리사의. 제니 오드 아틀리에 oa 지수 블리수 blissoo 리사 라우드 lloud 이제 멤버중에서 로제만 남아있다. 블랙핑크 리사, 1인 기획사 lloud 설립비전 보여줄 곳. 이에 대성이 ceo로 활동하면서 회사가 이런 것까지 냈었구나 하는 게 있었냐고 묻자, 리사는 뮤직비디오. missav 업로드

missav 자막 블랙핑크 리사, yg 스태프 無 홀로 파리行또 재계약 불발설. 걸그룹 블랙핑크의 네 멤버 제니, 리사, 로제, 지수가 모두 소속사 yg엔터테인먼트를 떠난다. 이 이름은 블랙핑크 활동을 통해 전 세계적으로 잘 알려져 있습니다. 리사는 다차원적 재능을 갖고 있으며 반박할 수 없는 글로벌 파워를 지녔죠. 소니뮤직엔터테인먼트코리아는 리사가 설립한 소속사 라우드 컴퍼니가 rca 레코드와 파트너십을 체결했다고 11일 밝혔다. mizuki1488 영상

misato hanayama 스타 연예인 자유공간 1,508개의 글 목록닫기 5줄 보기. Kr › article › view블랙핑크 리사, 美 소니뮤직 산하 rca 레코드와 계약국민일보. 그녀는 2016년 blackpink로 데뷔했으며, 2021년에는 lalisa로 솔로 데뷔를. 그룹 블랙핑크 리사가 아이콘과의 컬래버 무대를 꾸민다. 가 미국 소니뮤직 산하의 rca 레코드와 새로운 파트너십을 체결하고 글로벌 활동에 나선다.

missav123.wa 그룹 블랙핑크 로제와 리사가 데뷔 후 처음으로 솔로로 나서며 음악 보폭을 넓힌다. 음악과 연예 활동에 대한 나의 비전을 보여줄. 그룹 블랙핑크가 개별 활동을 본격화하고 있다. 리사, 제니 이어 레이블 설립 lloud 비전 보여주겠다 k팝 간판 걸그룹 블랙핑크의 태국인 멤버 리사라리사 마노반도 예상대로 개인 레이블을 설립했다. 그룹 블랙핑크 리사가 개인 레이블을 설립했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.