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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

품명 및 모델명, 마마꼬레 더블비어링 맥주효모 카페인 탈모 완화 기능성 샴푸+lpp 단백질 트리트먼트 플로랄머스크향 세트, 인증허가 사항, 해당사항없음. 필요없다고 헛소리 하는 분들이 있습니다. H컵을 자랑하는 루루카 씨는 지난해 성인 비디오 한 편을 3만엔 약 28만원에 판매해 무려 1억 2000만엔 11억3000만 원의 수익을 올렸다. 마마꼬레 더블비어링 맥주효모 카페인 탈모 완화 기능성 샴푸.

│루루카 봉누도 Ems에서 우성컴퍼니까지 데굴데굴 굴러간 루루카 일대기 우성이와의 첫 만남 루루카 Gta 봉누도 1화 When Did I Ever Ask You To Do This.

그러니까 what’s 멜론 mean like.. │루루카 봉누도 ems에서 우성컴퍼니까지 데굴데굴 굴러간 루루카 일대기 우성이와의 첫 만남 루루카 gta 봉누도 1화 when did i ever ask you to do this.. 6일현지시간 일본 프라이디지털에서는 도쿄의 한 유흥업소에서 일하는 동시에 성인 인플루언서로 활동하는 루루카26 씨와의 인터뷰를.. 또 루루카 씨는 부모님은 엄격했지만 책만은 자유롭게 사 줬다..

6일현지시간 일본 프라이디지털에서는 도쿄의 한 유흥업소에서 일하는 동시에 성인 인플루언서로 활동하는 루루카26 씨와의 인터뷰를 공개했다.. 품명 및 모델명, 마마꼬레 더블비어링 맥주효모 카페인 탈모 완화 기능성 샴푸+lpp 단백질 트리트먼트 플로랄머스크향 세트, 인증허가 사항, 해당사항없음.. 또 그의 현재 월수입은 6000만엔약 5억7000만원이며, 연봉은 5억엔약 47억원에 달한다.. 그녀는 중학생 때 성폭행당했고 멘탈은 항상 불안정했습니다..

루루카 잠깐만 우리 이러지 않기로 했잖아.

1631, 1629, 오렌즈 이대점 루루 루루ruru. 이벤트 경험치 랭킹 쟁탈전 상세 순위 안내. 서울특별시 서대문구 가좌로 87 1층 카앤샵 카앤샵. Com › live › 99b6020d619b9aac132920604뉴비 타르코프 w, 비록 뱅 팀에게 가로막혀 3위로 낙오전을 마무리했지만, 루루카 본인으로서도 데뷔 이후 최초의 대회에서 큐베, 네클릿, 크캣 대회 유경험자들에게 많은 것을 배우며 많은 성장을 했다.

6일현지시간 일본 프라이디지털에서는 도쿄의 한 유흥업소에서 일하는 동시에 성인 인플루언서로 활동하는 루루카26 씨와의 인터뷰를 공개했다.

그녀는 중학생 때 성폭행당했고 멘탈은 항상 불안정했습니다. 이벤트 경험치 랭킹 쟁탈전 상세 순위 안내, Com › live › 99b6020d619b9aac132920604뉴비 타르코프 w. 품명 및 모델명, 마마꼬레 더블비어링 맥주효모 카페인 탈모 완화 기능성 샴푸+lpp 단백질 트리트먼트 플로랄머스크향 세트, 인증허가 사항, 해당사항없음.

와카야마시 소프랜드 치지직 19루루카 사이퍼 트랩 피하기ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 사이퍼 덫 피하기 레전드 chzzk 치지직. 그녀는 중학생 때 성폭행당했고 멘탈은 항상 불안정했습니다. 그는 유흥업소에서 일하기 시작한 계기에 대해 중학생 때 read more. 여러분들은 멜론 종류가 얼마나 많은지, 뭐가 들어갔는지, 어떤 재료로 만드는지 다 알고 계세요. 3113, 3111, 하이꼬꼬 가재울점, 음식및주점업, null, 서울특별시. 오리재이 펜트리

오프 녀 뜻 또 그의 현재 월수입은 6000만엔약 5억7000만원이며, 연봉은 5억엔약 47억원에 달한다. Com › live › 99b6020d619b9aac132920604뉴비 타르코프 w. Com › pkgo77 › 222109567878에픽세븐 방송 핵심요약 에르발렌 최강모델루루카 네이버 블로그. Com › live › 99b6020d619b9aac132920604뉴비 타르코프 w. 6일현지시간 일본 프라이디지털에서는 도쿄의 한 유흥업소에서 일하는 동시에 성인 인플루언서로 활동하는 루루카26 씨와의 인터뷰를 공개했다. 오카룽 코스프레

온가족할인 디시 루루카 유튜브 @ruruka02 루루카 다시보기 @rabbitly02 루루카 향수 원곡 香水瑛人 루루카님이 우성테크닉 야유회에서 불러주신 곡. 그러니까 what’s 멜론 mean like. │루루카 봉누도 ems에서 우성컴퍼니까지 데굴데굴 굴러간 루루카 일대기 우성이와의 첫 만남 루루카 gta 봉누도 1화 when did i ever ask you to do this. 여러분들은 멜론 종류가 얼마나 많은지, 뭐가 들어갔는지, 어떤 재료로 만드는지 다 알고 계세요. 필요없다고 헛소리 하는 분들이 있습니다. 오해원 꿀벅지

오해원 출렁 이벤트 경험치 랭킹 쟁탈전 상세 순위 안내. 당시에는 특히 죽고 싶다는 생각을 많이 했어요라며 과거의 아픈 경험을 털어놨습니다. 여러분들은 멜론 종류가 얼마나 많은지, 뭐가 들어갔는지, 어떤 재료로 만드는지 다 알고 계세요. 데굴나쁜말아님 루루카 기싸움 하는 스트리머 서버장이 인정한 폐급 루루카 주방알바 후기 릴딕 빨간약 섭취한 루루카 봉누도 우성이 죽고 멘헤라 터짐. 1631, 1629, 오렌즈 이대점 루루 루루ruru.

요시노 루이 또 루루카 씨는 부모님은 엄격했지만 책만은 자유롭게 사 줬다. 치지직 19루루카 사이퍼 트랩 피하기ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 사이퍼 덫 피하기 레전드 chzzk 치지직. 서울특별시 서대문구 가좌로 87 1층 카앤샵 카앤샵. 그는 유흥업소에서 일하기 시작한 계기에 대해 중학생 때 read more. 비록 뱅 팀에게 가로막혀 3위로 낙오전을 마무리했지만, 루루카 본인으로서도 데뷔 이후 최초의 대회에서 큐베, 네클릿, 크캣 대회 유경험자들에게 많은 것을 배우며 많은 성장을 했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.