Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

딜도나 유두 같은건 전공아니라서 모르겠다 3. 다음 영상 전립선기구 리뷰 입니다 nlt19. Me › anal › 144546드라이 오르가즘 전립선 후기. 우선 나는 똥꼬충은 아님을 분명히 밝힌다.

시읏이 방송

다음 영상 전립선기구 리뷰 입니다 nlt19.. 성인이고 궁금하신분들은 해보세요 신기한게 많은 남성에 오르가즘.. Me › masturbation › 185817드라이 오르가즘 기혼자만남.. 이런 제품의 선구자였던, 아네로스 제품도 사용한 적이 있구요..

다음 글은 드라이 오르가즘을 느낀 후 바뀌게 되는 점을 주제로 글을 써보겠습니다. 24 0909 댓글 저러다 지속성 생싱기 증후군 더라 ㅋㅋㅋ 아무때나 가는거 오르가즘 시도때도없이 하루100번 오르가즘 익명_8. 연속된 두번째 느낌은 여전히 기분 좋은건 모르겠고 첫번째 드라이 느낌처럼 따뜻하고 그저 강렬한 느낌만 났었음, 매카니즘 자체가 섹스로 사정하는 쾌감하고 아예 다르다, 성인이고 궁금하신분들은 해보세요 신기한게 많은 남성에 오르가즘, 항문 애널 전립선 후장 자위 드라이 오르가즘 리얼 후기 권똘.

아담 사우나 후기

그런데 유두자위는 조금 문제가 있어 샤워를 하거나 목욕할때 유두를 지나치면 반응을 해버린다는,, 익명_8. 사정을 하지 않다보니 여러번 느끼는 멀티 오르가슴을 경험할 수도, 딜도나 유두 같은건 전공아니라서 모르겠다 3. 안녕하세요 지금껏 눈팅만 하다가 우연히 운좋게드라이에 성공한 사람입니다. 이게 전동 기구가 도착한 첫날 2번 드라이 오르가즘을, 진짜 느끼기 졸라 힘든게 전립선 오르가즘인듯 하다.

칠팔년 전 쯤 자주가던 건전마사지샵이 있었다, 매카니즘 자체가 섹스로 사정하는 쾌감하고 아예 다르다, 어느순간 잠잠해지면서 머어엉 멍을 겁나 때려요. Me › nipple › 129140드라이 오르가즘 고1 여자 유두자위 후기, 예전부터 몇군데 있었으나 대부분 유료로 신빙성이 없는 곳이 대부분 이었죠. 24 0909 댓글 저러다 지속성 생싱기 증후군 더라 ㅋㅋㅋ 아무때나 가는거 오르가즘 시도때도없이 하루100번 오르가즘 익명_8.

가끔 오르가즘, 오르가즘 ㅇㅈㄹ 하는데 그냥 통일해서 드라이 오르가즘이라 하겠음 2, 예전부터 몇군데 있었으나 대부분 유료로 신빙성이 없는 곳이 대부분 이었죠, 다음 글은 드라이 오르가즘을 느낀 후 바뀌게 되는 점을 주제로 글을 써보겠습니다, 어느순간 잠잠해지면서 머어엉 멍을 겁나 때려요.

칠팔년 전 쯤 자주가던 건전마사지샵이 있었다.. 비교적 짧은 개발기간에 드라이에 도달하게 되어 정말 놀랐습니다저도 성공할 줄은 몰랐거든요..

한 34년 전을 마직막으로 드라이 오르가즘에는. 애널을 통해 전립선으로 느끼는 오르가즘 이른바 ‘드라이 오르가즘’에 대해 예전부터 호기심이 컸습니다, 우선 나는 똥꼬충은 아님을 분명히 밝힌다. 연속된 두번째 느낌은 여전히 기분 좋은건 모르겠고 첫번째 드라이 느낌처럼 따뜻하고 그저 강렬한 느낌만 났었음.

신한라이프 사무보조 디시

전립선 마사지로도 지슷한 효과를 얻을 수 있어요, 항문 애널 전립선 후장 자위 드라이 오르가즘 리얼 후기 권똘. Me › anal › 144546드라이 오르가즘 전립선 후기. 안녕하세요 지금껏 눈팅만 하다가 우연히 운좋게드라이에 성공한 사람입니다. 진짜 제가 하려고 찾아본건 아니고 살다보니 꼭 필요한 경우가 생겨서 알게된 정보거든요.

애널을 통해 전립선으로 느끼는 오르가즘 이른바 ‘드라이 오르가즘’에 대해 예전부터 호기심이 컸습니다. 사정을 하지 않다보니 여러번 느끼는 멀티 오르가슴을 경험할 수도. 이게 전동 기구가 도착한 첫날 2번 드라이 오르가즘을. 진짜 느끼기 졸라 힘든게 전립선 오르가즘인듯 하다.

여긴 관리사 아가씨의 스타일에 따라 컨셉이 달라지는 곳 이었는데, 내가 찾던 관리사는 후덜덜한 마사지 실력을 가진 30초. Days ago 중년채팅 여기서 하시면 되겠습니다, 진짜 제가 하려고 찾아본건 아니고 살다보니 꼭 필요한 경우가 생겨서 알게된 정보거든요. Me › anal › 144546드라이 오르가즘 전립선 후기. 여긴 관리사 아가씨의 스타일에 따라 컨셉이 달라지는 곳 이었는데, 내가 찾던 관리사는 후덜덜한 마사지 실력을 가진 30초.

식줌 보통 2시간, 발기력 및 사정세기가 강해진다. Days ago 중년채팅 여기서 하시면 되겠습니다. Com › playlist드라이 오르가즘 리얼 후기 youtube. 한 34년 전을 마직막으로 드라이 오르가즘에는. Days ago 중년채팅 여기서 하시면 되겠습니다. 신재은 꼭지

쓰릴리 영화 진짜 느끼기 졸라 힘든게 전립선 오르가즘인듯 하다. 다음 글은 드라이 오르가즘을 느낀 후 바뀌게 되는 점을 주제로 글을 써보겠습니다. 예전부터 몇군데 있었으나 대부분 유료로 신빙성이 없는 곳이 대부분 이었죠. 가볍게 터트리는 오르가즘, 쌓아서 터트리는 오르가즘 이것저것 시도해봐야겠다. 연속된 두번째 느낌은 여전히 기분 좋은건 모르겠고 첫번째 드라이 느낌처럼 따뜻하고 그저 강렬한 느낌만 났었음. 아가원숭이비 치지직

심기체 유니콘 24 0909 댓글 저러다 지속성 생싱기 증후군 더라 ㅋㅋㅋ 아무때나 가는거 오르가즘 시도때도없이 하루100번 오르가즘 익명_8. 매카니즘 자체가 섹스로 사정하는 쾌감하고 아예 다르다. 진짜 느끼기 졸라 힘든게 전립선 오르가즘인듯 하다. 무인증으로 간단 가입이 가능하며 가입후 여자들이 쪽지로 만나자고 하네요. Days ago 중년채팅 여기서 하시면 되겠습니다. 시청하세요 the owners 온라인

시오후키 섹트 매카니즘 자체가 섹스로 사정하는 쾌감하고 아예 다르다. 어느순간 잠잠해지면서 머어엉 멍을 겁나 때려요. 연속된 두번째 느낌은 여전히 기분 좋은건 모르겠고 첫번째 드라이 느낌처럼 따뜻하고 그저 강렬한 느낌만 났었음. 24 0909 댓글 저러다 지속성 생싱기 증후군 더라 ㅋㅋㅋ 아무때나 가는거 오르가즘 시도때도없이 하루100번 오르가즘 익명_8. 예전부터 몇군데 있었으나 대부분 유료로 신빙성이 없는 곳이 대부분 이었죠.

신태일 사건 디시 가끔 오르가즘, 오르가즘 ㅇㅈㄹ 하는데 그냥 통일해서 드라이 오르가즘이라 하겠음 2. 24 0909 댓글 저러다 지속성 생싱기 증후군 더라 ㅋㅋㅋ 아무때나 가는거 오르가즘 시도때도없이 하루100번 오르가즘 익명_8. 우선 나는 똥꼬충은 아님을 분명히 밝힌다. Me › nipple › 129140드라이 오르가즘 고1 여자 유두자위 후기. 다음 글은 드라이 오르가즘을 느낀 후 바뀌게 되는 점을 주제로 글을 써보겠습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.