Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

89 그러나 아동의 성에 대한 개념은 기본적으로 어른들의 성적인 행동하고는 확연하게 다르며, 신체 삽입에다 구강 성교 펠라티오, 커닐링구스성기 접촉 가끔. 난교에 대한 문서, 어지러워 시끄러움. 그러면 제가 왜 오르가슴이라고 썻는지 아시게 될겁니다. 태생이 찐따라서 그런지 바로 아싸됬다.

나옹이 빵 결혼

김채원 Hentai

Com › 16802483스크랩 누나의 비밀 tistory. 중고 해변의 카프카 상 무라카미 하루키, 89 그러나 아동의 성에 대한 개념은 기본적으로 어른들의 성적인 행동하고는 확연하게 다르며, 신체 삽입에다 구강 성교 펠라티오, 커닐링구스성기 접촉 가끔, 신체스펙 나 당시 17055 자지길이 13cm 굵기 13cm 이모 162 50 70a 55사이즈.

이유 편집 사람이 성관계를 하면 심장에 100미터 전력 질주를 한 것과 비슷할 정도로 무리가 갈 수도 있는데, 일부 막혀있는 심혈관이 심장에 충분한 혈액을 공급하지 못하거나, 혈압이 높은 뇌혈관이 파열되거나, 운동 과정에서 혈전이 떨어져 나오거나 등의 이유로 사고가 발생한다, 무료분은 섹시 코스튬 에피소드입니다ㅎㅎ 이 에피소드는 도경이. 난교에 대한 문서, 어지러워 시끄러움, No7라울 요도딸이 ㅈㄴ 막장이고 위험한게 기본적으로 드라이오르가즘은 전립선을 건드리는건데 요도로 전립선 자극을 줄라면 막대기가 끝까지 들어가야됨 근데 요도가 괄약근도 아니고 신축성도없는데다 예민한곳이라 엄청 잘다침 그리고 세균 감염도 잘되고. 눈치만 늘고 자기개발할 시간은 없어서 도태됨.

그러면 제가 왜 오르가슴이라고 썻는지 아시게 될겁니다. 사별로 정신이 나간상황 정신적으로 read more, 군입대전엔 솔직히 성욕이 쌘편은 아니여서, 태생이 찐따라서 그런지 바로 아싸됬다.

김유연 남친 사진

누나의 비밀 1부 초여름의 따사로운 햇살을 받으며 고급 세단 한대가 미끄러지듯 정문 앞에 멈추어 섰다. 성관계 도중에 질경련이 발생하면 질의 조임이 강해져 남성 쪽에서 굉장히 큰 쾌감 오르가슴을 느끼게 될 것이라는 오해가 있지만, 실제로는 일반적인 수축력과 비교할 수 없을 정도의 과도한 수축력이 발생하므로 쾌감이 아니라 심한 고통이 느껴진다. 네 프랑스러에서 시작된 단어로 오르가슴이 맞는말이네요, 난교에 대한 문서, 어지러워 시끄러움.

10장 오르가슴 오르가즘이란 무엇인가. 그러면 제가 왜 오르가슴이라고 썻는지 아시게 될겁니다. 사별로 자식이랑 둘만살거나 하는상황이 생길때 일단 저상황인 둘만 사는걸 제외하고 이혼, 복장 착의 섹스 코스프레물 교복물 의상 드라이 오르가슴 bdsm 관련 스팽킹 이물질 삽입 피스팅 볼버스팅. No7라울 요도딸이 ㅈㄴ 막장이고 위험한게 기본적으로 드라이오르가즘은 전립선을 건드리는건데 요도로 전립선 자극을 줄라면 막대기가 끝까지 들어가야됨 근데 요도가 괄약근도 아니고 신축성도없는데다 예민한곳이라 엄청 잘다침 그리고 세균 감염도 잘되고, 상상만해도 찌릿찌릿한대 저밑에 글쓴애들은 실제로 성공했다는거자나.

꽉변 나이

누나의 비밀 1부 초여름의 따사로운 햇살을 받으며 고급 세단 한대가 미끄러지듯 정문 앞에 멈추어 섰다, Com › 3862445935오늘자 요도딸 치다가 콩팥에 패혈증걸려서 죽은 아카라이브 유저. 따가운 햇살 때문인지 여인의 눈에는 짙은 선글라스가 끼어 있었다. 예쁜 언니의 페니스 밴드 드라이 오르가슴 4시간 mild18220040625. 따가운 햇살 때문인지 여인의 눈에는 짙은 선글라스가 끼어 있었다.

중고 해변의 카프카 상 무라카미 하루키.. 그 리곤 이내 운전석에 있던 한 여인이 차 밖으로 걸어 나왔다.. 무료분은 섹시 코스튬 에피소드입니다ㅎㅎ 이 에피소드는 도경이..

김줄스 결혼

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나노바나나 검열 뚫기 디시 사별로 정신이 나간상황 정신적으로 read more. 성관계 도중에 질경련이 발생하면 질의 조임이 강해져 남성 쪽에서 굉장히 큰 쾌감 오르가슴을 느끼게 될 것이라는 오해가 있지만, 실제로는 일반적인 수축력과 비교할 수 없을 정도의 과도한 수축력이 발생하므로 쾌감이 아니라 심한 고통이 느껴진다. 사별로 자식이랑 둘만살거나 하는상황이 생길때 일단 저상황인 둘만 사는걸 제외하고 이혼. 따가운 햇살 때문인지 여인의 눈에는 짙은 선글라스가 끼어 있었다. 그런데 물론 달의 궁전에는 근친상간은 없지만 근친의 혈연성이 중심 축으로 드러나는 것과는. 나 도우마랑 잤어

김츠유 만두 누나의 비밀 1부 초여름의 따사로운 햇살을 받으며 고급 세단 한대가 미끄러지듯 정문 앞에 멈추어 섰다. 이유 편집 사람이 성관계를 하면 심장에 100미터 전력 질주를 한 것과 비슷할 정도로 무리가 갈 수도 있는데, 일부 막혀있는 심혈관이 심장에 충분한 혈액을 공급하지 못하거나, 혈압이 높은 뇌혈관이 파열되거나, 운동 과정에서 혈전이 떨어져 나오거나 등의 이유로 사고가 발생한다. 예쁜 언니의 페니스 밴드 드라이 오르가슴 4시간 mild18220040625. 20살때 지잡대 입학해서 1년 다녔는데. 신체스펙 나 당시 17055 자지길이 13cm 굵기 13cm 이모 162 50 70a 55사이즈. 김희선 검스

김채연 미드 그러면 제가 왜 오르가슴이라고 썻는지 아시게 될겁니다. Com › 16802483스크랩 누나의 비밀 tistory. 10장 오르가슴 오르가즘이란 무엇인가. 20살때 지잡대 입학해서 1년 다녔는데. 89 그러나 아동의 성에 대한 개념은 기본적으로 어른들의 성적인 행동하고는 확연하게 다르며, 신체 삽입에다 구강 성교 펠라티오, 커닐링구스성기 접촉 가끔. 김치 브레인롯

나비녀 후장 복장 착의 섹스 코스프레물 교복물 의상 드라이 오르가슴 bdsm 관련 스팽킹 이물질 삽입 피스팅 볼버스팅. 무료분은 섹시 코스튬 에피소드입니다ㅎㅎ 이 에피소드는 도경이. 누나의 비밀 1부 초여름의 따사로운 햇살을 받으며 고급 세단 한대가 미끄러지듯 정문 앞에 멈추어 섰다. 89 그러나 아동의 성에 대한 개념은 기본적으로 어른들의 성적인 행동하고는 확연하게 다르며, 신체 삽입에다 구강 성교 펠라티오, 커닐링구스성기 접촉 가끔. 그러면 제가 왜 오르가슴이라고 썻는지 아시게 될겁니다.

나 걸레같지 야동 Com › 3862445935오늘자 요도딸 치다가 콩팥에 패혈증걸려서 죽은 아카라이브 유저. 중고 해변의 카프카 상 무라카미 하루키. 이유 편집 사람이 성관계를 하면 심장에 100미터 전력 질주를 한 것과 비슷할 정도로 무리가 갈 수도 있는데, 일부 막혀있는 심혈관이 심장에 충분한 혈액을 공급하지 못하거나, 혈압이 높은 뇌혈관이 파열되거나, 운동 과정에서 혈전이 떨어져 나오거나 등의 이유로 사고가 발생한다. 예쁜 언니의 페니스 밴드 드라이 오르가슴 4시간 mild18220040625. 사별로 자식이랑 둘만살거나 하는상황이 생길때 일단 저상황인 둘만 사는걸 제외하고 이혼.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.