US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
나 지금 너에게로 달려가 내 가슴 가득히 널 안고서 너의 슬픔을 함께 할게 슬픔을 함께 할게라는 가사에서 이상하게 여운을 느꼈었다. 1990년대를 대표한 전설적 힙합 듀오 듀스deux가 멤버 고. 속도 tmdals_123 문제있잖아 2시간 전 팔로우 퇴고 듀스 챌린지라고 들어보셨나요. 음반에서 「굴레를 벗어나」 가 끝나면 이 노래가 딱 나오는데 그 분위기 전환이 왠지 좋았었다.
또한, 이들의 스타일리시한 패션은 당시 트렌드세터로서 지대한 영향력을 끼쳤다. 1990년대를 대표한 전설적 힙합 듀오 듀스deux가 멤버 고故 김성재의 목소리를 ai 기술로 복원해 신곡을 발표한다, 베이프 후드집업 추천받습니다 베이프 09 듀스챌린지. 예를 들어 배드민턴은 1세트 21점 랠리포인트 제도와 함께 듀스 제도를 채용하고 있으나 그럼에도 불구하고 2929 상황에서는 먼저 30점에 도달하면 듀스 무시하고 그대로 세트를 가져간다. 듀스 이현도와 김성재 40대 댄서들의 퇴고한 90년대 댄스 커버. 좋아요 138개,따딴라 @dkslsm. 현재 병역법의 경우 해외 영주권 를 얻으면 37세까지 병역을 연기할 수 있으며 병역 의무는 41세에 종료된다. 현재 병역법의 경우 해외 영주권 를 얻으면 37세까지 병역을 연기할 수 있으며 병역 의무는 41세에 종료된다, 듀스 deux는 타고난 송 메이커 이현도와 퍼포머로서 강점이 뚜렷한 김성재로 이뤄진 듀오다. 부산야경과 kpop 댄스로 풍성한 밤을 즐겨봐요. 1990년대를 대표한 전설적 힙합 듀오 듀스deux가 멤버 고. Com › watchlyric video 듀스 deux go. 상술했듯이 배드민턴은 듀스가 필수적인 상황이 아니기에 가능한 규칙이다. 2013년, 듀스 20주년을 맞아 방송에 복귀하면서 병역 이야기가 나오지 않을 수 없었는데, 병역의혹이 공소시효가 만료되는 것과 같이 해소된 것 이라고 했다. 힙합, 뉴 잭 스윙, 훵크 funk, 알앤비와 같은 ‘흑인 음악’을 표방했으며, 한국 힙합의 원류로 평가받는다. 좋아요 310개,&듀스 @user394 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 함께하는 퇴고 틱톡커의 듀스 챌린지. 1990년대를 대표한 전설적 힙합 듀오 듀스deux가 멤버 고, 후드티 추천해주세요 fyp 10 추천 퇴고듀스챌린지, 퇴고 틱톡커 모임 @아아녀아 @문제있잖아 설마해시태그하나만달았는데추천에뜨겠어 추천 09 듀스챌린지. 테니스피플 모바일 사이트, 기사 상세페이지, 테니스에서 듀스는 40대 40 동점을 의미하며, 어느 한 선수가 2점차로 승리해야 경기가 종료된다. 듀스 이현도와 김성재 40대 댄서들의 퇴고한 90년대 댄스 커버. 듀스의 이현도와 김성재와 함께하는 40대 댄서들의 감성적인 90년대 댄스 커버를 즐기세요.시험 끝난 기념으로 퇴고듀스챌린지 fyp 11 대전 추천떠라 퇴고듀스챌린지 @️ 오리지널 사운드 기타는 장식. 2013년, 듀스 20주년을 맞아 방송에 복귀하면서 병역 이야기가 나오지 않을 수 없었는데, 병역의혹이 공소시효가 만료되는 것과 같이 해소된 것 이라고 했다. 추천받고 싶은 해시태그와 함께 재미를 느껴보세요, 예를 들어 배드민턴은 1세트 21점 랠리포인트 제도와 함께 듀스 제도를 채용하고 있으나 그럼에도 불구하고 2929 상황에서는 먼저 30점에 도달하면 듀스 무시하고 그대로 세트를 가져간다.
부산야경과 kpop 댄스로 풍성한 밤을 즐겨봐요. 1990년대를 대표한 전설적 힙합 듀오 듀스deux가 멤버 고故 김성재의 목소리를 ai 기술로 복원해 신곡을 발표한다. Com › @upksad09871029 › video퇴고듀스챌린지 08 07 fyp 추천 tiktok, 0 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 저희 외모에 놀라 쓰러졌어요@문제있잖아 퇴고듀스챌린지추천안뜨면삐짐추처ᄂ, 이 곡은 1997년 듀스 베스트 앨범. 좋아요 310개,&듀스 @user394 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 함께하는 퇴고 틱톡커의 듀스 챌린지.
30우리들의 어린시절 이미 지나갔고 어른이란 이름으로 힘든직장 갖고 생활하면서 이미 뽀얀 얼굴은 갔고 그런걸, 테니스피플 모바일 사이트, 기사 상세페이지, 테니스에서 듀스는 40대 40 동점을 의미하며, 어느 한 선수가 2점차로 승리해야 경기가 종료된다. 좋아요 21개,ㅡㅡ @kkkkyy_0 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 후드티 추천해주세요 fyp 10 추천 퇴고듀스챌린지 카툰필터. @&듀스 fyppppppppppppppppppppppp trending 추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천 오리지널 사운드 기타는 장식, 퇴고 틱톡커 모임과 듀스 챌린지 소개.
퇴고 틱톡커 모임 @아아녀아 @문제있잖아 설마해시태그하나만달았는데추천에뜨겠어 추천 09 듀스챌린지.. 저희 외모에 놀라 쓰러졌어요@문제있잖아 퇴고듀스챌린지.. 힙합, 뉴 잭 스윙, 훵크 funk, 알앤비와 같은 ‘흑인 음악’을 표방했으며, 한국 힙합의 원류로 평가받는다..
Com › watchlyric video 듀스 deux go, 테니스 게임의 기본 득점 시스템은 15는 1점, 30은 2점, 40은 3점이다. 1530, 1515, 3030으로 가다가 4040이 된다. 듀스 deux는 타고난 송 메이커 이현도와 퍼포머로서 강점이 뚜렷한 김성재로 이뤄진 듀오다. 나에게 바나나 @upksad09871029 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 퇴고듀스챌린지 08 07 fyp 추천.
0 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 저희 외모에 놀라 쓰러졌어요@문제있잖아 퇴고듀스챌린지추천안뜨면삐짐추처ᄂ, 퇴고 틱톡커 모임 @아아녀아 @문제있잖아 설마해시태그, 축구부 분위기와 만남을 이야기해 봅시다. 편집 이현도 의 언급에 따르면 듀스 4집의 작업을 진행 중이라고 한다, 1530, 1515, 3030으로 가다가 4040이 된다. 이 곡은 1997년 듀스 베스트 앨범.
이미 고인이 된 김성재 의 목소리와 모습은 ai로 구현할 예정이라고 하며, 요즘 트랜드보단 실제로 1990년대 후반, 구체적으로 1998년 즈음에 듀스의 4집이 나왔다면 어땠을까, 그럼에도 퇴고할 시간이 언제나 필요하다 막내의 성장 기록, 은채의 듀스 시절에 독학으로 익힌 디지털 신시사이져를 이용해 주된 트랙, @&듀스 fyppppppppppppppppppppppp trending 추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천추천 오리지널 사운드 기타는 장식.
이미 고인이 된 김성재 의 목소리와 모습은 ai로 구현할 예정이라고 하며, 요즘 트랜드보단 실제로 1990년대 후반, 구체적으로 1998년 즈음에 듀스의 4집이 나왔다면 어땠을까. 좋아요 21개,ㅡㅡ @kkkkyy_0 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 후드티 추천해주세요 fyp 10 추천 퇴고듀스챌린지 카툰필터. 축구부와의 특별한 순간과 추억을 나누세요, 30 우리들의 어린시절 이미 지나갔고 어른이란 이름으로 힘든직장 갖고 생활하면서 이미 뽀얀 얼굴은 갔고 그런걸 갖고 고생. 좋아요 138개,따딴라 @dkslsm.
body swap hitomi 음반에서 「굴레를 벗어나」 가 끝나면 이 노래가 딱 나오는데 그 분위기 전환이 왠지 좋았었다. 1530, 1515, 3030으로 가다가 4040이 된다. 퇴고 틱톡커 모임과 듀스 챌린지 소개. 베이프 후드집업 추천받습니다 베이프 09 듀스챌린지. 퇴고 틱톡커 모임과 듀스 챌린지 소개. bj하콩
backstage at oushun academy hentai 1990년대를 대표한 전설적 힙합 듀오 듀스deux가 멤버 고. 퇴고 틱톡커 모임과 듀스 챌린지 소개. 그럼에도 퇴고할 시간이 언제나 필요하다 막내의 성장 기록, 은채의 듀스 시절에 독학으로 익힌 디지털 신시사이져를 이용해 주된 트랙. 좋아요 21개,ㅡㅡ @kkkkyy_0 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 후드티 추천해주세요 fyp 10 추천 퇴고듀스챌린지 카툰필터. 이미 고인이 된 김성재 의 목소리와 모습은 ai로 구현할 예정이라고 하며, 요즘 트랜드보단 실제로 1990년대 후반, 구체적으로 1998년 즈음에 듀스의 4집이 나왔다면 어땠을까. big w lint remover
bj 미래 다시 보기 Com › @upksad09871029 › video퇴고듀스챌린지 08 07 fyp 추천 tiktok. 30우리들의 어린시절 이미 지나갔고 어른이란 이름으로 힘든직장 갖고 생활하면서 이미 뽀얀 얼굴은 갔고 그런걸. Com › @upksad09871029 › video퇴고듀스챌린지 08 07 fyp 추천 tiktok. 추천받고 싶은 해시태그와 함께 재미를 느껴보세요. 테니스 게임의 기본 득점 시스템은 15는 1점, 30은 2점, 40은 3점이다. baksaya 야동
bamel 디시 이 곡은 1997년 듀스 베스트 앨범. Com › watchlyric video 듀스 deux go. 이 곡은 1997년 듀스 베스트 앨범. 시험 끝난 기념으로 퇴고듀스챌린지 fyp 11 대전 추천떠라 퇴고듀스챌린지 @️ 오리지널 사운드 기타는 장식. 추천받고 싶은 해시태그와 함께 재미를 느껴보세요.
bj 사과 이혼 디시 나에게 바나나 @upksad09871029 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 퇴고듀스챌린지 08 07 fyp 추천. 축구부 분위기와 만남을 이야기해 봅시다. 테니스 게임의 기본 득점 시스템은 15는 1점, 30은 2점, 40은 3점이다. 1990년대를 대표한 전설적 힙합 듀오 듀스deux가 멤버 고故 김성재의 목소리를 ai 기술로 복원해 신곡을 발표한다. 테니스 게임의 기본 득점 시스템은 15는 1점, 30은 2점, 40은 3점이다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
2013년, 듀스 20주년을 맞아 방송에 복귀하면서 병역 이야기가 나오지 않을 수 없었는데, 병역의혹이 공소시효가 만료되는 것과 같이 해소된 것 이라고 했다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.