Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

여성들의 다양한 배경과 삶, 관광 명소화 논란 등 복잡한 문제를 안고 있으며, 변화의 조짐과 함께 우리 사회의 책임과 노력이 요구된다. 일본 현지인들도 방문하기를 꺼리는 곳입니다. 일본 최대급에 긴 역사를 가지고 있단는 곳이기도 하여, 궁금증및 여러 관광객들이 만이들 다녀가는 곳이기도 하여 저도 호기심에 다녀왔는데요. 오사카 토비타 관광오사카에는 토비타라는 유명한 관광지가 있습니다.

청소펠라 뜻

체인소맨 223

일본 오사카부 오사카시 니시나리구에 있는, 일본 최대 규모의 집창촌.. 이 글은 공감과 댓글이 허용되어 있지 않습니다..

오사카 여행 첫째날학수고대하던 일본으로의 여행. 아는 남자들은 다 알고있는 동네 토비타신치 飛田新地 네이버. 안녕 개붕이들, 저번주에 오사카에 혼자 여행 다녀왔음 오사카는 날씨가 따땃해서 겨울여행하기 좋은거 같더라 어쨋든 때는 저번주 토요일 낮이었어, 통천각 아래에 300엔 우동집에서 늦은 아침먹고, 신세카이에 가서. Com › milkzoazoa › 22042731827604.

제가 아는 한 최대한 도움 드리겠습니다 ㅎㅎ. 23년도에 토비타신치 갔다온 사람이다. 일본 다녀온지 2년됐는데 토비다신치가 좋은기억을 남겨줘서 생각나는대로 끄적여봄 위치는 아마도 텐노지공원역이. 왜냐하면 야쿠자들이 과거 운영했던 곳이기 때문입니다, 둘 중에선 신세카이가 좀 더 가깝지만 텐노지역에서 여기까지는 평범하고 조용한 일본 길거리인 반면 신세카이 방면은 아이린 지구 와 이웃해 있다. 많은 분들이 일본 유흥문화를 접하면 다소 자극적으로.

최 하리 성우 논란

가게 안에 보이는 예쁜 여자 주인들과. 오사카 토비타 관광오사카에는 토비타라는 유명한 관광지가 있습니다. 이런 식으로 되어있는 거리가 여러 곳이 있고, 청춘거리라는 곳이 사람이 굉장히 많고, 여성들도 이쁨. 일본 최고의 미녀들만 모았다는 오사카 토비타신치는 과연 어떤 곳일까. 제가 아는 한 최대한 도움 드리겠습니다 ㅎㅎ, 일본 최대 규모의 사창가, 절대 가지.

계산하고 올라가면 과자랑 음료수 준다. 이런 식으로 되어있는 거리가 여러 곳이 있고, 청춘거리라는 곳이 사람이 굉장히 많고, 여성들도 이쁨. 일본 최대급에 긴 역사를 가지고 있단는 곳이기도 하여, 궁금증및 여러 관광객들이 만이들 다녀가는 곳이기도 하여 저도 호기심에 다녀왔는데요. 이 지식으로 조금의 도움이라도 됐으면 좋겠다. 성욕에 지배당한 중생들을 위해일본 토비타신치 후기를 써 보도록 하겠다 아주 자세히 나의 관점에서 풀어보도록 하겠다.

안녕하세요, 일본 현지에서 다양한 문화를 소개하는 박감독입니다. 日本語일본 오사카 니시나리구 위험한 장소토비타신치일본의 슬럼가오사카 유흥가飛田新地西成区일본에서 가면 안되는 곳오사카 사창가일본. 초심자도 가능한 오사카 2박3일 일본 밤문화 여행.

체인소맨 논란 일본 최고의 미녀들만 모았다는 오사카 토비타신치는 과연 어떤 곳일까. 시간을 협상하고 아가씨와 함께 2층으로 올라가는 구조다. 미리 qr을 준비해둬서 그런지 금방이었다. 초심자도 가능한 오사카 2박3일 일본 밤문화 여행. ※주의 이 포스트에 있는 사진들은 직접 찍은 사진들이 아니라는 점 미리 알려드립니다. 츄 레전드 디시

철구 재혼 韓国の男子が日本でトビー・乗り分 일본여행. 대략 낮 12시에 가까운 시각이었는데, 많은 업소가 불을 밝히고 있었다. 일본 최대 규모의 사창가, 절대 가지. 일본 최고의 미녀들만 모았다는 오사카 토비타신치는 과연 어떤 곳일까. 오사카, 토비타신치 방문을 위해 여행을 계획 중이세요. 체인소맨 중국어로

초연 야동 가지 말라하면 꼭 가더라 ㅎㅎ 일본 토비타신치 오사카 경계부분마다 여기 신치임 하고 알려주는데 잘못들어갈수가 있나. 안녕 개붕이들, 저번주에 오사카에 혼자 여행 다녀왔음 오사카는 날씨가 따땃해서 겨울여행하기 좋은거 같더라 어쨋든 때는 저번주 토요일 낮이었어, 통천각 아래에 300엔 우동집에서 늦은 아침먹고, 신세카이에 가서. 오사카 토비타신치는 과거 유곽에서 현재는 요리조합이라는 간판 아래 성매매가 이루어지는 공간으로, 사회적 필요와 엇갈린 시선 속에 존재해왔다. 오사카 토비타신치 다녀왔다 여행일본 갤러리. 가지 말라하면 꼭 가더라 ㅎㅎ 일본 토비타신치 오사카 경계부분마다 여기 신치임 하고 알려주는데 잘못들어갈수가 있나. 츠 쿠모 유키 사망 디시

쵸단 엉덩이 그리고 간사이 공항에서 난바로 가는 라피트 특급열차를 타고 또 뻗었다. 오사카 여행 첫째날학수고대하던 일본으로의 여행. 말 그대로 안내판을 보면 관광지로 되어 있더라고요. 일본 최대급의 유곽, 토비타신치 네이버 블로그. 왜냐하면 야쿠자들이 과거 운영했던 곳이기 때문입니다.

최솜이 nude 오사카 최대 슬럼가 아이린 지구와 성매매 집창촌으로 알려진 토비타신치 토비타신치. 초심자도 가능한 오사카 2박3일 일본 밤문화 여행. 이런 식으로 되어있는 거리가 여러 곳이 있고, 청춘거리라는 곳이 사람이 굉장히 많고, 여성들도 이쁨. 23년도에 토비타신치 갔다온 사람이다. 일본 오사카부 오사카시 니시나리구에 있는, 일본 최대 규모의 집창촌.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.