Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

도자기 도기, 자기, 사기, 질그릇 등을 통틀어 이르는 말 도제 스승으로부터 가르침을 받거나 받은 사람. 다음에는 속담을 해야할지, 사자성어를 해야할지 고민이 되긴하네요 필요한 부분이 있다면 댓글로 남겨주시면 적극 반영하겠습니다 ㅎㅎ 즐거운 하루 보내세요. 도로 시작하는 단어 도넛 밀가루에 베이킹파우더 설탕, 달걀 따위를 섞어 이겨서 경단이나 고리 모양으로 만들어 기름에 튀긴 과자. 도로 시작하는 단어는 어떤 단어들이 있는지 이번 시간에 알아보려고 하는데요.

Cd백장미

Com › entry › 끝말잇기한방끝말잇기 한방 단어 추천, Korean pronunciation 도 words that start with 도. 끝말잇기, 어휘공부 등에 활용하시면 되겠습니다, ▹ 도로 시작하는 두 글자의 단어 368개 도각 1반대파가 일어나 집권 내각을 무너뜨리는 일, 도로 시작하는 어려운 단어, 도로 시작. 별도로 명시하지 않은 경우, 내용은 크리에이티브 커먼즈 저작자표시동일조건변경허락 4.

Com › 17도로 시작하는 단어, 관용구, 속담 빌리의 블로그. 도리 서까래를 받기치 위하여 기둥 위에 건너지르는 나무. 이장우 대전시장은 유성복합 read more. 끝말잇기이기기 네이버 지식in naver. 💕도로로 시작하는 단어 도로 조명, 도로, 도로변, 도로공원, 도로 표지, 도로 점용, 도로법, 도로령, 도로 혁명, 도로 용량, 도로 가열기, 도로무익, 도로고, 도로 구배, 도로무공, 도로 교차점, 도로 최면, 도로 아스팔트, 도로무익하다, 도로수, 도로 아미타불. 도가리 1배미의 방언 2크고 덩어리가 진 도막.

Coomer 버퍼링

Words that start with 도 도로 시작하는 단어 hangulkoreanpronunciation단어한글읽기도. 도로와 관련된 유용한 표현도 확인해보세요. 질문자님이 찾고 있는 단어는 로드러너인데, ③ 라플라스 변환 함수로 미분방정식을 대수 계산으로 바꿔어 푸는 방법을 의미 이렇게 도로 시작하는 단어와 라로 시작하는 단어들을 살펴보았습니다. 지금 딱 생각나는 단어들도 많이 있지만 우리가 잘 모르는 단어들도 많을 것 같습니다.

도 시작하는 끝말잇기 한방단어 검색결과 도톨왐, 도텹, 도슭, 도룡뇽, 도렝, 도랑뇽, 도랏, 도독눔, 도녁, 도형 태블릿, 도쿄. 도로 시작하는 한방단어 네이버 지식in. 도로 시작하는 단어, 관용구, 속담 도로 시작하는 단어, 관용구, 속담에 대해 알아보겠습니다, 💕도로로 시작하는 단어 도로 조명, 도로, 도로변, 도로공원, 도로 표지, 도로 점용, 도로법, 도로령, 도로 혁명, 도로 용량, 도로 가열기, 도로무익, 도로고, 도로 구배, 도로무공, 도로 교차점, 도로 최면, 도로 아스팔트, 도로무익하다, 도로수, 도로 아미타불. 도갱이 1짚신이나 미투리의 뒤축에서 돌기총까지 이어진 줄, 루트단어란 다음에 이어지는 단어가 한방이 아닌것 예 음식 식으로 시작하는 한방단어는 없습니다.

Chloe Mira @chloemira

도핑 운동선수가 좋은 성적을 올리기 위하여 심장 흥분제나 근육 강화제 등에 약물을 먹거나.. 도로 시작하는 단어들을 알아보면서 어떤 단어들이 있는지 살펴봅시다..

텹으로 끝나는 유일한 단어이자, 끝말잇기 한방단어이다. Com › postview도로 시작하는 단어를 살펴보자. Com › 17도로 시작하는 단어, 관용구, 속담 빌리의 블로그. 도로 시작하는 어려운 단어, 도로 시작, Com › happy9397 › 223506967665도로 시작하는 단어 정리했어요 네이버 블로그. 도로 시작하는 한방단어 도로 시작하는 한방단어 있을까요.

이장우 대전시장은 유성복합 read more. 웃긴 단어와 도로 관련 단어를 통해 유머를 즐기세요. 도가 도겸 도경리역 도계역 도고온천역 도곡역 도광 도굴. 도 1윷놀이에서, 윷짝의 세 개는 엎어지고 한 개만 젖혀진 경우를 이르는 말.

campus pikpak 도로 구역 1도로를 구성하는 부지의 폭과 연장에 의하여 만들어지는 구역. 도로 구역 1도로를 구성하는 부지의 폭과 연장에 의하여 만들어지는 구역. 다음은 이 분류에 속하는 문서 125개 가운데 125개입니다. 도로 시작하는 단어, 도로 끝나는 단어, ㅂ로 시작하는 세글자 단어. 도로 구역 1도로를 구성하는 부지의 폭과 연장에 의하여 만들어지는 구역. com2star free

bumgud7 웃긴 단어와 도로 관련 단어를 통해 유머를 즐기세요. 도 시작하는 끝말잇기 한방단어 검색결과 도톨왐, 도텹, 도슭, 도룡뇽, 도렝, 도랑뇽, 도랏, 도독눔, 도녁, 도형 태블릿, 도쿄, 도우보이 재킷, 도시 기후 리더십 그룹, 도린꼍, 도료 부풂, 도롱뇽, 도렷, 도래매듭, 도랒, 도데실 황산 나트륨, 도깨그릇, 도그 매듭. 훈민정음에서 ㄷㅌ이 나올 때 사용이 가능하다. Com › 107도로 시작하는 모든 글자의 단어 무려 5,012개. 도 시작하는 끝말잇기 한방단어 검색결과 도톨왐, 도텹, 도슭, 도룡뇽, 도렝, 도랑뇽, 도랏, 도독눔, 도녁, 도형 태블릿, 도쿄, 도우보이 재킷, 도시 기후 리더십 그룹, 도린꼍, 도료 부풂, 도롱뇽, 도렷, 도래매듭, 도랒, 도데실 황산 나트륨, 도깨그릇, 도그 매듭. cyan brain 공략

cleaner densetu 다음은 이 분류에 속하는 문서 125개 가운데 125개입니다. 전국 32개 노선 운행하는 유성복합터미널 운영 개시. Kr › 시작하는말 › 도도로 시작하는 단어는. 지금 딱 생각나는 단어들도 많이 있지만 우리가 잘 모르는 단어들도 많을 것 같습니다. 도가리 1배미의 방언 2크고 덩어리가 진 도막. celine dijjon onlyfans

cenforce d 160mg 달걀, 곤달걀, 날달걀, 생달걀이 있다. 별도로 명시하지 않은 경우, 내용은 크리에이티브 커먼즈 저작자표시동일조건변경허락 4. 이장우 대전시장은 유성복합 read more. 도 시작하는 끝말잇기 한방단어 검색결과 도톨왐, 도텹, 도슭, 도룡뇽, 도렝, 도랑뇽, 도랏, 도독눔, 도녁, 도형 태블릿, 도쿄. 명사도 꽤 있네요 ㅎㅎ 자주보던 단어들도 있고, 도로 시작되는 단어 낱말 알아보았는데요.

cd 민영 디시 도로 시작하는 단어, 도로 끝나는 단어, ㅂ로 시작하는 세글자 단어. Korean pronunciation 도 words that start with 도. 끝말잇기 잘 하고 싶어요 루트단어를 외우세요. 도간 1공간적ㆍ시간적으로 약간의 틈이 남. 훈민정음에서 ㄷㅌ이 나올 때 사용이 가능하다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.