2018년 4월 즈음 구독자 수가 급격하게 늘어나면서 대세 유튜버중 한명이 되어 가고 있다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

지난 5일 카페베네가 출시한 레인보우 베이글이 디저트 브랜드 도레도레의 판타스틱 베이글과 유사하다는 지적이 제기됐기 때문. Com › newsview › 1s3g3wswgt돈 되는 ask김경하 도레도레 대표 지역 소비자 니즈 분석해 아이. 제2의 삼진어묵, 도레도레 케이크 찾아낼 수 있을까. 원조 논란⑬ 카페베네 레인보우 베이글 카피.

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도레도레 김경하 대표에 대한 지극히 개인적인 생각.. 케이크 전문점 도레도레 김경하 대표 케이크 한조각에 9000원, 그래도 불티나게 팔려 21살에 창업, 10년 만에 직원 300명 21살에 브런치 카페를 창업한 여대생은 7년간 적자에 허덕이며 실패를 경험했다.. 인천투데이 김갑봉 기자 인천을 대표하는 f&b분야 향토기업 ‘도레도레김경하 대표’가 16일 어려운 이웃을 돕는 데 써달라며 인천사회복지공동모금회에 기부금 6000만 원을 전달했다.. 아주초대석 김경하 도레도레 대표 이탈리아 나폴리 디저트..

2017년 1월 4일 유튜브 방송을 시작해 꾸준히 영상을 업로드하고 있는 유튜버. 30대 초반의 나이지만 그가 케이크를 만들며 브랜드를 이끈 시간은 벌써 10년을 넘어섰고 현재는 총 29개의 매장 및 수백. 벌써 사업을 시작한 지 19년이 흘렀다, 제2의 삼진어묵, 도레도레 케이크 찾아낼 수 있을까, 김 대표가 도레도레 1호점을 오픈한 것은 2006년이다.

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도레도레 김경하 대표가 젊은나이에 부모도움없이 성공할수. 형형색색의 눈을 사로잡은 무지개 케이크랑, 받는 사람의 마음까지 생각한 케이크, Com › newsview › 1s3g3wswgt돈 되는 ask김경하 도레도레 대표 지역 소비자 니즈 분석해 아이. 디저트 좋아서 시작한 도레도레250억원대 브랜드가 되다.

볼때마다 얼탱이가 터지는 카페 도레도레. 지난달 31일, 수제 케이크 브랜드 ‘도레도레’의 공식 인스타그램 계정은 갑자기 삭제됐다, Com › news › articleview인천e음 선도 ‘도레도레’, 캐시백 ‘팡팡’ 사회공헌 ‘듬뿍’, 2017년 1월 4일 유튜브 방송을 시작해 꾸준히 영상을 업로드하고 있는 유튜버, Com › news › articleview인천e음 선도 ‘도레도레’, 캐시백 ‘팡팡’ 사회공헌 ‘듬뿍’, 볼때마다 얼탱이가 터지는 카페 도레도레.

그래서 도레도레는 반짝반짝, 황금빛의라는 의미를 담고 있어요, ◇ 김경하 doré는 불어로 황금빛이라는 뜻이에요. Com › special › special_section케이크뿐 아니라 공간도 팝니다 조선일보. 도레도레가 21일 인천사회복지공동모금회에 무료급식에 써달라며 기부금 2천500만 원을 전달했다.

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2015년, 케이크 카페 도레도레에서는 사진작가 로타와 여성을 대상화한 콜라보를 선보인 적이 있으며, sns에선 콜라보를 기대해달라 하였으나 논란. 원조 논란⑬ 카페베네 레인보우 베이글 카피. 27k followers, 16 following, 1,141 posts 도레도레 @doredoreofficial on instagram bringing golden warmth to your life, 사실 주변인에게도 창업을 쉽게 권하지 않는 편이에요.

신태일 담배 Jpg 12,081 68 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 인천투데이 김갑봉 기자 인천을 대표하는 f&b분야 향토기업 ‘도레도레김경하 대표’가 16일 어려운 이웃을 돕는 데 써달라며 인천사회복지공동모금회에 기부금 6000만 원을 전달했다. 사실 주변인에게도 창업을 쉽게 권하지 않는 편이에요. 사실 주변인에게도 창업을 쉽게 권하지 않는 편이에요. 직원 300여명이 일하는 회사 이름은 도레도레dore dore. 쏘블리 sex

심천 클럽 디시 무지개 케이크로 한국 디저트 시장의 패러다임을 read more. 정말 부끄러울 정도로 맛없는 무지개 케이크인데. 도레dore는 프랑스어로 금빛으로 물든을 뜻한다. 2017년 1월 4일 유튜브 방송을 시작해 꾸준히 영상을 업로드하고 있는 유튜버. 도레도레 본점이 입점한 이토타워라는 곳은. 신주쿠 핀사로

시엘 생제 Com › sonkimkr › posts손김건설 과 간의 브랜드 아이덴. 진짜 심각한 넥슨의 메이플키우기 스탯 사기 논란. Kr › news › articleview‘도레도레’ 김경하 내 안의 반항아 기질, 무지개 케이크 탄생시켜. 사실 주변인에게도 창업을 쉽게 권하지 않는 편이에요. 이번 행사에서 문제가 된 도레도레 애니버서리 도레도레의 퍼포먼스 팀의 도레건설 퍼포먼스에 대하여, 작년 참가팀 손김건설의 브랜드 아이덴티 read more. 신시아에리보 여자친구

신인마왕과 100명의연인들 도레도레 김경하 대표가 젊은나이에 부모도움없이 성공할수 있었던 이유. 도레도레 김경하 대표가 젊은나이에 부모도움없이 성공할수 있었던 이유. 케이크 전문점 도레도레 김경하 대표 케이크 한조각에 9000원, 그래도 불티나게 팔려 21살에 창업, 10년 만에 직원 300명 21살에 브런치 카페를 창업한 여대생은 7년간 적자에 허덕이며 실패를 경험했다. 그는 바로 ‘무지개 케이크’ 등 시선을 사로잡는 화려한 디저트로 연 매출 200억을 이룬 수제 케이크 전문점 ‘도레도레’ 김경하 대표 32. Com › sonkimkr › posts손김건설 과 간의 브랜드 아이덴.

시흥 포우사다 예약 도레도레 김경하 대표가 젊은나이에 부모도움없이 성공할수 있었던 이유. 이탈리아 나폴리 디저트를 제대로 구현해 한국 식음료f&b 시장에서 리딩 업체로 도약하겠습니다. 형형색색의 눈을 사로잡은 무지개 케이크랑, 받는 사람의 마음까지 생각한 케이크. 도레도레는 지난달 30일 kb국민은행 숭의동지점과 미추홀구 저소득층 가정에 연탄 5000장을 마련해 직접 배달한 데. 로리타 논란 화보 sns에 올린 디저트 전문점 뭇매.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.