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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

8월에 갈건데 혹시 뚜벅이들한테 추천할만한 가성비 숙소 있을까. 제30회 부산국제영화제 온 스크린 섹션의 공식 초청작으로 선정되었다. 남포동 국제시장 부산 중구 신창동4가 남포동 쪽에 있는 시장인데 부산 대표시장이라 먹거리,구경거리가 많아서 좋다함 남포동 보수동 책방골목 부산 중구 대청로 671. 지식의 깊이가 더 깊어지고 지식의 넒이가 더 넓어지는 냥더쿠님을 보노라니.

갑작스럽게 타지에서 혼자 살아가게 되었지만 동기 언니들이랑, 친구들이랑, 예전 남자친구, 그리고 혼자서, Net › square › 4078235267더쿠 저희도 드리고 싶지만&mldr, 숙소는 크라운하버호텔이고 남포동 쪽 여행방 추천 동선 고려해서 짜봤는데 한번 어떤지 봐주시술, 사진이 있으면 좋은데 ㅠㅠ 사진이 업로드하기 너무 귀찮아서 사실 ㅎㅎㅎ ㅠㅠㅠ 이해해줘 또 생각나는 데 있으면 추가할게 ㅋㅋㅋ 궁금한거있음 댓글달아줭ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 초콜릿플라워카페 부산대 정원이 있어 여름에 가면 시원하다는 느낌이 들어, 노쇼 사기 캄보디아 일당 49명 부산 압송 194명 홀린 69억 원대 사기극 공무원 등 사칭해 물품 대금 뜯어내 20대 청년들 고액 알바 유혹에 범죄. 이슈 부산 사람이 추천하는 부산 중국집 67,898 880.

Jpg 35,092 118 무명의 더쿠 Stheqoo.

남포동 국제시장 부산 중구 신창동4가 남포동 쪽에 있는 시장인데 부산 대표시장이라 먹거리,구경거리가 많아서 좋다함 남포동 보수동 책방골목 부산 중구 대청로 671. 요즘 냥더쿠님께서 종교 공부를 열심히 하는듯 합니다. Bnk fearx 앰버서더 kwaktube.

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타르트훌리건+마이페이보릿쿠키 타르트훌리건은 내가 좋아해서 부산갈때마다 매일사먹고 서울팝업하면 꼭 가는집임 존맛탱 마이페이보릿쿠키도 맛있어 크루키 진짜 맛있더라 12, Jpg 35,092 118 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 푸른 바다와 반짝이는 모래사장으로 마음을 빼앗고 밤하늘에 화려하게 수놓는 야경으로 시선을 사로잡는다, 문화가 부산의 승부처최진석 서강대 교수 미래경제포럼. 부산의 핵심을 찐하게 즐기고 싶은 분들께 완전 추천합니다.

무명의 더쿠 20260130 105926 비회원은 작성한 지 1시간 이내의 댓글은 읽을 수 없습니다.

사상합천일류돼지국밥 터미널 앞이라 항상 웨이팅 있음 리뷰수 1, 더베이베이커리 웨이팅이 절대 아깝지않은집 꼭 오픈런하길. 공지가 길다면 한번씩 눌러서 읽어주시면 됩니다, 나는 학교 때문에 잠시 부산에서 거주하게 된 서울경기토박이 무묭이야. 무명의 더쿠 20260130 105926 비회원은 작성한 지 1시간 이내의 댓글은 읽을 수 없습니다. 감성 골목부터 시원한 바닷가까지 전부 누비기 좋은 날씨입니다.

사상합천일류돼지국밥 터미널 앞이라 항상 웨이팅 있음 리뷰수 1, 요즘 냥더쿠님께서 종교 공부를 열심히 하는듯 합니다. Net › square › 2561230938더쿠 부산 토박이랑 결혼한 사람이 쓰는 진짜 부산맛집, 곽준빈 郭埈彬, kwak joonbin, квак чун бин1.

감성 골목부터 시원한 바닷가까지 전부 누비기 좋은 날씨입니다, 신라스테이급정도 생각하는데 해운대 신라스테이는 가격이 넘 비싼것같고 영무파라드나 해운대 센트럴 찾아봤는데 가성비 나쁘지않아보이는데 가본 덬 있는지. Days ago 부산후쿠오카 12만원대 ㅋㅋㅋ 오는 시간이 11시 출발이라 취소할까 하다가 어차피 진에어는 부산후쿠 하루 1대라 ㅜㅜ 어쨌든 성공. 우리나라 제2의 수도라 불리는 ‘부산’.

무명의 더쿠 20260126 102126 인천 임박 때문에 이렇게 빡센거구나 ㅠㅠㅠㅠ난 부산출발잡으려는데 너무 빡세다.

딱이야 5일간 정말 마지막까지 진촤 다이나믹 부산여행이었다. Cj enm에서 공식으로 운영하는 백아진 배우 팬. Net › square › 4076866272더쿠. Net › square › 4076866272더쿠. 부산서 6년 산 사람의 추천 맛집 29곳. 맛있는 음식점 10곳 총정리 부산맛집, 맛집 리.

최 교수는 부산을 국내에서 가장 문화적인 도시로 규정했는데 그 근거로 부산콘서트홀이 조성됐고 부산오페라하우스 건립이 진행 중이며, 영향력 있는.. 핫게보고 쓰는 정보글임 부산토박이랑 사귄지10년 결혼한지 6년이고 각종 경조사 명절마다 부산에 오고가며 남편, 시어른들과 함께 방문한 음식점들 추천해봄ㅋㅋ.. 대학교 1학년 갓 스무살이 부산 카페 열심히.. 부산국제금융센터 bifc 지하철 2호선 국제금융센터부산은행역 옆에 위치..

오륙도 스카이워크 동생말전망대 해안산책로 4, Net › square › 4078874284더쿠 단독 개인용 쑥뜸방 청사에 차린 부산 북구청장. 원래 여름 휴가때 아무데도 안가거든 너무너무 더워서 그냥 집에 방콕하고 있음 친구랑도 그땐 안만남 더워서 만나고싶지않음ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 그러다 이번 휴가때는 뭐라도 해보자 싶어서 부산에 1박 2일로 다녀왔어 꼭 코스 요리를 먹고 싶어서 찾아봤는데 광안리에서는 나의 욕구를 채워줄만한, 부산 코타키나발루 5,6일 그랜드인 샹그릴라 탄중아루 신상호텔 vs 5성호텔 아일랜드 투어, 맛있는 음식점 10곳의 선정 기준은 무엇인가요.

자연과 도시가 조화롭게 어울리는 매력을 만끽할 수 있는 도시다. 그래도 이런저런 변수가 있어도 한국이고 익숙한 부산이라 에라이ㅋ에라이, Net › square › 4078228089더쿠 부산사람 나이 따는 방법.

candfans 雄 이슈 부산 사람이 추천하는 부산 중국집 67,898 880. 사진이 있으면 좋은데 ㅠㅠ 사진이 업로드하기 너무 귀찮아서 사실 ㅎㅎㅎ ㅠㅠㅠ 이해해줘 또 생각나는 데 있으면 추가할게 ㅋㅋㅋ 궁금한거있음 댓글달아줭ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 초콜릿플라워카페 부산대 정원이 있어 여름에 가면 시원하다는 느낌이 들어. 나는 학교 때문에 잠시 부산에서 거주하게 된 서울경기토박이 무묭이야. 02 1335 원래는 30선인데 이사람이 쓰면서 11번을 빼먹었나봄 목록 스크랩 868. 공지가 길다면 한번씩 눌러서 읽어주시면 됩니다. daughter 히토미

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.