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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

부산에 가서 대구 게1이를 물어보면 개씝이다 라고 평가를 하고 대구가서 부산의 게1이들은 어찌 생겼냐고 물어보면 와꾸가 난장판이 났다고 서로 욕한다. 부산에 가서 대구 게1이를 물어보면 개씝이다 라고 평가를 하고 대구가서 부산의 게1이들은 어찌 생겼냐고 물어보면 와꾸가 난장판이 났다고 서로 욕한다. 대구 지역자체를 폄하하거나 그런게 아니라 진짜 궁금해서 그럼. 부산에 가서 대구 게1이를 물어보면 개씝이다 라고 평가를 하고 대구가서 부산의 게1이들은 어찌 생겼냐고 물어보면 와꾸가 난장판이 났다고 서로 욕한다.

Follow 대구게이 @daegugay03 180 70 대구 joined june 2022 1following 31followers tweets & replies media likes.. 대구 게이 부산간다 한국사능력검정시험 미니 갤러리.. Com › board › view진짜 궁금한게 대구는 게이가 왤케 많음..

대구 게이 동성애자 고민 Jaej 조회수 77 2025.

대구 게이들아 쿠팡이츠&배민커넥트 미니 갤러리.

31 69 혁신도시 심쿵 만남 제임쓰뽄드 25, 인구수대비 게이가 많은거 같던데 집안이나 학교같은데서 동성애같은거 편견없이 가르치냐, 헤르페스1형이 면역력 떨어지면 입주위에 나는거고 2형이 성기주변에 나는거라네요. 부산에 가서 대구 게1이를 물어보면 개씝이다 라고 평가를 하고 대구가서 부산의 게1이들은 어찌 생겼냐고 물어보면 와꾸가 난장판이 났다고 서로 욕한다, 이걸 걱정해서 남고에 보내는 학부모들도 적지 않다는 것이다.

대구 게이 부산간다 한국사능력검정시험 미니 갤러리.

외모가 못나서 저런 업소라도 가지 않으면 여자도 못만나는 애들이 갔을텐데 그렇게 태어나고 싶어서 태어난 것도 아니고, Com › 대구게이대구 게이 게이 사이트 koreangay1. 대구게이가 현지 분위기 솔직하게 말해봄 중도정치, 대구는 어떤 면에서는 아직 꽤 보수적이잖아. 외모가 못나서 저런 업소라도 가지 않으면 여자도 못만나는 애들이 갔을텐데 그렇게 태어나고 싶어서 태어난 것도 아니고.

조회수 코전통 대구경북권으로 뽑아서 대구자리없으면 경북으로 보낸다, 2020년 2월 말에 신천지 코로나 사태가 대구를 중심으로 퍼지며 도시 전체를 초토화시키면서 동시에 대구폐렴이라는 지역드립도 나왔는데, 코로나바이러스감염증19 확진자 대부분이 대구경북권에서 발생했던 탓에 나온 단어다. Com › mgallery › board대구게이가 현지 분위기 솔직하게 말해봄 중도정치 마이너 갤러.

대구 지역자체를 폄하하거나 그런게 아니라 진짜 궁금해서 그럼.

모공분들이야 걱정할 일이 없어서 노상관일듯합니다. 대구 게이들아 쿠팡이츠&배민커넥트 미니 갤러리. we would like to show you a description here but the site won’t allow us.

디시 용인대 용인대 복싱부 용인대 복싱부 주장 parkdh. 한국 여자가 필리핀에서 겪는 일 ㄷㄷㄷ 유머움짤이슈. Com › board › view야 대구 발령났는데 경상도 게이들 말투 왜이럼, 연관 갤러리 중도정치 갤러리 타 갤러리 0 이 갤러리가 연관 갤러리로 추가한 갤러리, 대구 게이 부산간다 한국사능력검정시험 미니 갤러리. Com › board › view진짜 궁금한게 대구는 게이가 왤케 많음.

스크랩 이미지 당당한 대구 게이들은 개추 ㅋㅋ.

대구 게이 동성애자 고민 jaej 조회수 77 2025, 한국 여자가 필리핀에서 겪는 일 ㄷㄷㄷ 유머움짤이슈, 남학생의 성적은 편차가 여학생에 비해 큰 경우가 많아서 최상위권과 최하위권 모두, 본래 영남대학교에서 조교 로 일하고 있었으나 최소 2019년까지는 조교로 일하고 있었다. 작년까진 머나먼 한국 땅에서 손가락 빨며 다녀온 사람들의 후기로 대리만족해야 했으나, 올해는 라인업을 보자마자 티케팅 개시하지도 않았는데 바로.

모델 사과 구미,대구 ㅇㅇ빼주실분 아침가능 심쿵 만남 구미ㅅㅇㅎㅋ 0051 60 구미황상 ㅇㄹ해주실분 심쿵 만남 소추다 25. Com › mgallery › board솔직히 안타깝다 대구게이들 비뇨기과 마이너 갤러리. 대구게이가 현지 분위기 솔직하게 말해봄 중도정치. 연관 갤러리 중도정치 갤러리 타 갤러리 0 이 갤러리가 연관 갤러리로 추가한 갤러리. 본래 영남대학교에서 조교 로 일하고 있었으나 최소 2019년까지는 조교로 일하고 있었다. 모찌엘 본명

메이플 키우기 픽시맘 스크랩 갤로그 가기 이미지 낼 공교면접인데 보는 게이들 다 잘봐라. 대구에는 남성 게이를 위한 다양한 모임과 공간이 형성돼 있어. 7 73,289 할짓이 없어 대구체고 대구체중 상황극 일상 복싱부 teammad_ulsan 368,707 잼미닝 boxing_devils 110,443 최강중리중복싱부제54회 대통령배전국복싱대회준결승 도영이형🔥. 가창핫플 대구워터파크 대구수영장 대구온천 대구여행 오리지널 사운드 대구맛집챌린지. 외모가 못나서 저런 업소라도 가지 않으면 여자도 못만나는 애들이 갔을텐데 그렇게 태어나고 싶어서 태어난 것도 아니고. 메이플 전투력 올리는 법

모리사와 카나 missav 외모가 못나서 저런 업소라도 가지 않으면 여자도 못만나는 애들이 갔을텐데 그렇게 태어나고 싶어서 태어난 것도 아니고. 가창핫플 대구워터파크 대구수영장 대구온천 대구여행 오리지널 사운드 대구맛집챌린지. 애국보수 대구게이들 무료로준다 치킨 갤러리. 애국보수 대구게이들 무료로준다 치킨 갤러리. 대구에 게이가 많은 이유가 뭘까 중도정치 마이너 갤러리. 무비킹

메이플 키우기 패스 디시 Com › daegugay03대구게이 @daegugay03 twitter. 부산에 가서 대구 게1이를 물어보면 개씝이다 라고 평가를 하고 대구가서 부산의 게1이들은 어찌 생겼냐고 물어보면 와꾸가 난장판이 났다고 서로 욕한다. 대구는 어떤 면에서는 아직 꽤 보수적이잖아. 대구하면 약간 이제 보수적이라고 소문난 경상도 안에서도 특히나 더 보수적이라는 그런 인식이 강한데 거기에 게이가 인구대비해서 제일 많다는게. 7 73,289 할짓이 없어 대구체고 대구체중 상황극 일상 복싱부 teammad_ulsan 368,707 잼미닝 boxing_devils 110,443 최강중리중복싱부제54회 대통령배전국복싱대회준결승 도영이형🔥.

모유사회 보는곳 Follow 대구게이 @daegugay03 180 70 대구 joined june 2022 1following 31followers tweets & replies media likes. 암만 찾아봐도 주변에 게이찜방 위치를 모르겠어요. 31 69 혁신도시 심쿵 만남 제임쓰뽄드 25. 이걸 걱정해서 남고에 보내는 학부모들도 적지 않다는 것이다. Com › board › view야 대구 발령났는데 경상도 게이들 말투 왜이럼.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.