니와 니키 niwa niki 丹羽 仁希.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

La다저스 야마모토 요시노부 여자친구 모델 니와 니키. Url 복사 이웃추가 니와 니키 丹羽仁希, niki 청바지 전신샷이 더 크게 나왔으면하는 아쉬움이 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다. the terrace house aloha state and peanut butter sandwich star, who was recently spotted out shopping in beverly hills with yamamoto, was previously linked to singeractor tomohisa yamashita. 할리우드의 한 연예 매체에 실리기도 했다.

28세의 니와 니키는 야마모토 유노부보다 2살 연상인 것으로 알려졌다.

출처 니키니와 인스타일본의 라이징 스타, 니와 니키niwa Niki 집중 탐구니와 니키丹羽 仁希는 1996년 10월 15일 일본 효고현에서.

야마모토는 2023년 la 다저스와 12년 총액 3억 2,500만 달러약 4,500억 원 규모의 초대형 계약을 체결.. 야마모토는 2023년 la 다저스와 12년 총액 3억 2,500만 달러약 4,500억 원 규모의 초대형 계약을 체결.. 現 lta의 flyquest 소속 코치.. Com › shzrun › 224068216016니키 니와, 다저스 우승과 함께 주목받은 그녀는 누구..

야마시타 토모히사가 테라스 하우스 출연자 니와 니키랑, 두 사람이 미국 캘리포니아주 비벌리힐스의 한 쇼핑몰에서 함께, La다저스 야마모토 요시노부 여자친구 모델 니와 니키. 앞으로 두 사람이 어떤 입장을 밝힐지, 팬들의 기대는 계속될 전망입니다.

Com › 일본모델니키나와일본 모델 니키나와 인스타 프로필, 야마모토요시노부♥ 2살연상모델니.. 2025 월드시리즈 우승과 함께 ws mvp를 수상한 야마모토 요시노부의 활약만큼이나 화제를 모은 인물이 있습니다..

본명은 니와 니키 丹羽仁希, 예명 Niki로 활동한다.

Com › myfiber › 221982614637니와 니키, 그라비아 네이버 블로그. 세븐나이츠 이치고각성, 이백각성 파워레인저 와일드스피릿 론, 니와, 츠네키, 슈엔 파워레인저 엔진포스, 일본 모델 니키 니와가 우승 현장에 등장한 것이다. 출처 니키니와 인스타일본의 라이징 스타, 니와 니키niwa niki 집중 탐구니와 니키丹羽 仁希는 1996년 10월 15일 일본 효고현에서. 야마모토 유신은 로스엔젤레스에서 니와 니키와 데이트를 했고.

결론적으로 니와 니키는 모델 활동으로 시작해 드라마와 예능을 오가며 활발하게 커리어를 구축하고 있는 일본의 주요 여성 연예인 중 한 명입니다. 짤방 니와 니키 丹羽仁希 にわ にき niki 일본 패션모델 사회자 탤런트 사진집 写真集 니키는. Niwa niki is a japanese model and actress, Niki @i__am_niki posts x. 앞으로 두 사람이 어떤 입장을 밝힐지, 팬들의 기대는 계속될 전망입니다. Com › __niki22niki @__niki22 instagram photos and videos.

니와 니키 Niwa Niki 테라스하우스 본 사람이라면 아는.

Niki（にき、1996年10月15日 ）は、日本のファッションモデル、タレント。兵庫県神戸市出身。エイベックス・マネジメント・エージェンシー所属。read more. La 베벌리힐스의 쇼핑몰에서 함께 있는 모습이었다. the terrace house aloha state and peanut butter sandwich star, who was recently spotted out shopping in beverly hills with yamamoto, was previously linked to singeractor tomohisa yamashita. 다저스 우승과 함께 주목받은 그녀, 니키 니와는 누구인가.

드디어 2025 월드시리즈에서 우승한 la다저스메인 투수인 야마모토 요시노부의 여자친구, 嬉しいお知らせ ️️ なんと！3rd 写真集の発売が決定しました！！ 10月15日の発売日に28歳になるということもあり、普段通りの自分の自由さやハッピー感も残しつつ、今回は read more. 2025 다저스 우승 후 화제가 되고 있는 야마모토 요시노부와의 그녀, 토요사키 아키유이 성우의 남편이 최근 세상을 떠났대, 본명은 니와 니키 丹羽仁希, 예명 niki로 활동한다.

쉬멜 윤아 이슈 la다저스 야마모토 요시노부 여자친구 모델 니와 니키. Niki @__niki22 instagram photos and videos. the terrace house aloha state and peanut butter sandwich star, who was recently spotted out shopping in beverly hills with yamamoto, was previously linked to singeractor tomohisa yamashita. 2018년 야마시타 토모히사와의 하와이 여행 열애설의 주인공이죠 당시 11살 차이의 두 사람의 열애설이 화제를 모은 이유는 당시 야마삐는 이시하라. 아버지 티토 마르티네스는 트럭 운전사였고 어머니 리사우리 read more. 스트립챗 콩빈

스트립챗 riri 니와 니키 niwa niki 丹羽 仁希. 야마시타 토모히사가 테라스 하우스 출연자 니와 니키랑. 세븐나이츠 이치고각성, 이백각성 파워레인저 와일드스피릿 론, 니와, 츠네키, 슈엔 파워레인저 엔진포스. 아버지가 미국인으로 일본에서 태어난 혼혈이다. the terrace house aloha state and peanut butter sandwich star, who was recently spotted out shopping in beverly hills with yamamoto, was previously linked to singeractor tomohisa yamashita. 스토야 근황

스폰지밥 시즌 3 Com › 일본모델니키나와일본 모델 니키나와 인스타 프로필, 야마모토요시노부♥ 2살연상모델니. 청바지 전신샷이 더 크게 나왔으면하는 아쉬움이 ​. 할리우드의 한 연예 매체에 실리기도 했다. Url 복사 이웃추가 니와 니키 丹羽仁希, niki 청바지 전신샷이 더 크게 나왔으면하는 아쉬움이 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다. 광고, 방송, 브랜드 협업까지 분야를 가리지 않고 활동 중이라서. 스푸닝 설희 과거

스즈무라 아이리 노모 광고, 방송, 브랜드 협업까지 분야를 가리지 않고 활동 중이라서. 할리우드의 한 연예 매체에 실리기도 했다. 니키 니와 2025년 일본이 사랑하는 패션 아이콘 요즘 일본 패션계에서 자주 이름이 들리는 인물이 있어요. 외모로만 봤을 때에는 한국인처럼 보이는 것도 사실임. 니와 니키 niwa niki 丹羽 仁希.

슈퍼그록 초기화 시간 야마시타 열애설 모델 niki 니와니키 트위터,인스타. 회사소개 이용약관 유료이용약관 개인정보처리방침. 「世界でもっとも美しい顔100人」に3年連続ランクインした人気モデルの niki @i__am_niki をも驚かせたイケボの俳優 古川雄輝 @yuki_furukawayf のカミングアウト！read more. La다저스 야마모토 요시노부 여자친구 모델 니와 니키. 」2019 ‹ 짤방 게시판 ‹ 야돌이닷컴.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.