불가리아에서 태어나 2살 때 캐나다로 이주해 그곳에서 자란 니나.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

니나 도브레브는 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성 15인 중 1위에 선정돼 눈길을 끌었다. 미국 연예매체 레이브빈은 지난 28일 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성 15인을 선정했다. 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성에 니나 도브레브가 뽑힌 가운데 볼륨 몸매가 드러난 패션도 눈길을 모으고 있다. 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성 니나 도브레브의 섹시 화보가 눈길을 끈다.

세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성, 니나 도브레브 청순미모+볼륨.. 니나 아그달은 1992년 3월 26일 생으로 2012년 스포츠 일르스트레이티드 모델로 활동하며 명성을 얻었다.. 而那些因为好奇而点进《one spot》去听完整版的人们惊叹于这个女孩辨识度十足的嗓音、充满活力的舞蹈和努力谦虚的性格。这样的出圈方式或许是沈佳润没有想过的，而在看似由.. 아마 미드 뱀파이어 다이어리를 열심히 보셨던 분들이라면 모르시는 분들이 없으실텐데요 니나 도브레브는 미스에이 수지의 이상형으로 잘 알려진 이안소머헐더의 전여자친구로도 유명하죠..

Com › Newsview › 20150130000567세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성 1위, 니나 도브레스 치명적인 비키니.

아스카, 니나, 조시, 리디아, 심지어 크리스티도 근육질일 거라고 예상하잖아.

불가리아에서 태어나 2살 때 캐나다로 이주해 그곳에서 자란 니나 도브레브는 지난 2008년 캐나다 청춘 드라마 ‘데그라시’에서 10대 미혼모를 연기하며 데뷔했다.. 내가 내 추구미는 다르다구 ‍↕️ㅋㅋ운동좀 일찍시작할걸 뼈빼고다작아지는중 뼈빼고다빼보자 피부가사생활보호필름같군 아주맘에들어 태닝중독녀 오운완 ️‍♀️.. 송지효 반전몸매 공개, 니나송 잠옷 속옷브랜드 론칭..

더블지fc G걸 니나 ‘복근 몸매 공개’ 포토엔hd 20181118 161149 뉴스엔 표명중 기자 종합격투기 단체 더블지fc 첫 대회가 11월18일 오후 서울 장충체육관에서 열렸다 이날 라운걸로 활약하는 G걸 니나가 포토 포즈에 응했다.

니나 윌리엄스 프레임표 혹은 일어나며 상대의 공격을 받아내면 파워가 상승하고 가드 대미지 추가.

Com › kokr › entertainment나나, 사람이야 ai야&mldr, Kr › news › hotissues니나 도브레브, 세계 1위 미모의 비키니 몸매 ‘후끈’. 아스카, 니나, 조시, 리디아, 심지어 크리스티도 근육질일 거라고 예상하잖아. 지난 28일현지시각 미국 연예매체 레이브빈은 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성 15명을 선정해 발표했다. 그뿐 아니라 밖에 나가면 어쩜 그렇게 몸매 좋은 분들이 많으신지.

빠니 보틀 하시모토 아리나 불가리아에서 태어나 2살 때 캐나다로 이주해 그곳에서 자란 니나. 그래서 여름 바스트업 + 다이어트를 위한 자극제. 내가 내 추구미는 다르다구 ‍↕️ㅋㅋ운동좀 일찍시작할걸 뼈빼고다작아지는중 뼈빼고다빼보자 피부가사생활보호필름같군 아주맘에들어 태닝중독녀 오운완 ️‍♀️. 더블지fc 모기업의 전속 모델이기도 한 니나는 한국을 8번이나 방문할 정도로 親한파다. 니나가 커여워보인다 큰일이네 dc app. 사이키 잇 테츠 빨간약

사악한 래리 밈 포토 니나 아그달, 흠뻑 젖은 시스루 속 육감 몸매. 불고기와 갈비찜에 김치를 먹으면 맛과 영양을 동시에 누린다. 29일 서울 삼성동 라마다 호텔에서 더블지 fc 02 계체가 열렸다. 니나 아그달은 미국의 대표 속옷 브랜드 빅토리아 시크릿의 모델로 활동했다. Kr › news › hotissues니나 도브레브, 세계 1위 미모의 비키니 몸매 ‘후끈’. 비비 몸매 디시

사이타마 어빌리티 스포츠서울 글사진 이주상기자 29일 서울 삼성동 라마다 호텔에서 더블지 fc 02 계체가 열렸다. 불가리아에서 태어나 2살 때 캐나다로 이주해 그곳에서 자란 니나. 특히 아슬아슬하게 드러난 볼륨 몸매가 시선을 사로잡았다. 포토 니나 아그달, 흠뻑 젖은 시스루 속 육감 몸매. 와 니나 몸매 걸즈밴드크라이 마이너 갤러리. 뽀리 실물

사네미 장수풍뎅이 니나 아그달은 30일 자신의 인스타그램을 통해 파격적인 란제리룩을 선보였다. 한편 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성 2위는 엠마누엘 크뤼퀴가 차지했으며 3위는 제시카. 딱히 외모로 어필을 하는 캐릭터는 아니었는데 철권7fr에서 드레스를 입고 나오며 약간의 어필을 합니다. 와 니나 몸매 걸즈밴드크라이 마이너 갤러리. 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성, 니나 도브레브 선정 군살.

비디디 트위터 Kr › view니나 도브레브 몸매관리법은 요가. 사진 속 니나 아그달은 올 누드에 젖은 시스루 의상을 입고 카메라를 응시하고 있다. Com › newsview › 20150730004353스타 sns 니나 아그달, 19禁 망사 란제리룩 특급 몸매 과시. 니나 도브레브는 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성 15인 중 1위에 선정돼 눈길을 끌었다. 세계에서 가장 아름다운 여성, 니나 도브레브 선정 군살.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.