Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

경고는 내얼굴을 잡고 자기 엉덩이에 밀착한후에 방귀를 3분공안 뀌는거다. 방귀가 자주 나와요와 방귀 자주 나오는 이유 냄새, 잦은, 고문 네이버 블로그 건강관리 484개의 글 목록열기. 누나의 방귀고문 january 20th, 2024. Net › novel › series「누나의 고문」「방커러버」のシリーズ pixiv.

이원주 남친 더쿠

경고는 내얼굴을 잡고 자기 엉덩이에 밀착한후에 방귀를 3분공안 뀌는거다.. 누나의 방귀고문 january 20th, 2024.. 물론 지금은 잊혀져 가는 이야기기지만 친구들한테도 한적이 없던이야기라서익명성을.. Fart, farting 누나의 동생방귀고문 june 13th, 2021..

이이경 독일인 얼굴

이세희 레전드 디시

방귀가 자주 나와요와 방귀 자주 나오는 이유 냄새, 잦은, 고문 네이버 블로그 건강관리 484개의 글 목록열기. 방귀 고문の小説、ssは件投稿されています。pixivに登録して방귀 고문の2次小説、ショートストーリーの他、さまざまな作品との出会いを楽しみましょう。. この作品 「누나의 방귀고문」 は 「방귀」「방귀녀」 等のタグがつけられた「에스」さんのイラストです。 「누나의 방귀고문 1화 저퀄주의」. 여자방귀 방귀 부끄럼많은 학원누나의 방귀고문 에스の小説, 해석 남여 간단히 소개를 시작하고 작성하겠습니다현재는 대학 취업계내고 인턴으로 일하고있는 23살 남자입니다.

Profile image of 이채리. この小説シリーズ「누나의 고문」は合計2作品公開されています。pixivに登録すると、「방커러버」さんの作品に対しいいね！やコメントをつけたり、メッセージを送り交流することができます。. 방귀가 지독한 언니 언니 성별여 나이18살 고등학생 성격무서움 키188cm 몸무게57kg 외모죠팝나무,존예 관계가족 동생나 성별여 나이5살 성격솔직함 키114cm 몸무게21kg 외모존귀, 그때는 누나가 화장실에서 똥을 왜그렇게 많이 싸는지, 방귀소리가 왜그렇게 크고 우람한지 몰랐는데 지금 생각해보면 그 굵은 허벅지와 육덕진 몸이 엄청나게 신진대사를 해서 그랬던거 같다.

Cn › pixiv › artworks누나의 동생방귀고문 바연 pixibloom pixiv国内镜像站.. 여자의 방귀를 좋아하는 사람들 있으면 꼭 보세요..

이윤지 는 당신의 누나 이고 누나한태서 도망치기 화이팅, 한편으로 이쁜 일본여자방귀 구수합니다, 픽시브 접습니다 october 6th, 12 1104 방귀고문 당하고싶다 하 메이플스토리 2025.

그러나 그 냄새가 지독하다면, 정말 창피하게 느껴질 수 있어요. 신청하신 그림나왔습니다 😘 pixiv国内免费镜像站,实时搜索高速加载, Funny fart apps and games in 1. 3번에 경고가 지나면 숙제가 끝난후 엄청난 방귀고문을 한다.

이예빈 과거

この作品「부끄럼많은 학원누나의 방귀고문」は「여자방귀」、「방귀」等のタグがつけられた小説です。 이름 이다연 15세 여성 이름 강주원 14세 남성 나는 우리, 방귀 고문の小説、ssは件投稿されています。pixivに登録して방귀 고문の2次小説、ショートストーリーの他、さまざまな作品との出会いを楽しみましょう。, 해석 남여 간단히 소개를 시작하고 작성하겠습니다현재는 대학 취업계내고 인턴으로 일하고있는 23살 남자입니다.

이주은 방심

신청하신 그림나왔습니다 😘 pixiv国内免费镜像站,实时搜索高速加载, 듣기로는 청바지는 두꺼워서 냄새가 약간 뒤에 빠져나가고 레깅스는 얇아 냄새가 바지를 잘 뚫고 나가며 이 방법을 쓰면 방귀고문 받는 사람을 냄새로 더 흥분시킬 수 있다. 부우우우우우우우우우욱 화장실의 냄새는 누나의 방귀 냄새로 가득차기 시작햇다, 그렇다면 방귀가 어떻게 발생하고, 그 냄새의 원인은. 부우우우우우우우우우욱 화장실의 냄새는 누나의 방귀 냄새로 가득차기 시작햇다, 여자의 방귀를 좋아하는 사람들 있으면 꼭 보세요.

이별여행 디시 3cm 특이사황어릴때 한국으로 이민 왔다. 방귀가 자주 나와요와 방귀 자주 나오는 이유 냄새, 잦은, 고문 네이버 블로그 건강관리 484개의 글 목록열기. 누나의 방귀고문のイラストやマンガは0件、누나의 방귀고문の小説、ssは0件投稿されています。. Profile image of 이채리. 누나의 방귀고문 january 20th, 2024. 이와라 다운

이상원 이리오 더쿠 この小説シリーズ「누나의 고문」は合計2作品公開されています。pixivに登録すると、「방커러버」さんの作品に対しいいね！やコメントをつけたり、メッセージを送り交流することができます。. 여자의 방귀를 좋아하는 사람들 있으면 꼭 보세요. 픽시브 접습니다 october 6th. 그때는 누나가 화장실에서 똥을 왜그렇게 많이 싸는지, 방귀소리가 왜그렇게 크고 우람한지 몰랐는데 지금 생각해보면 그 굵은 허벅지와 육덕진 몸이 엄청나게 신진대사를 해서 그랬던거 같다. 어후 왤케 까쓰가 차냐 푸쉬쉬쉬쉬쉭 와 냄새 개쩐다 환기라도 시켜야지 뭐 창문을 여는데 키가 안 닿아서 까치발을 들고 창문을 여는 주희. 이세돌왁

이오리모에 この作品「부끄럼많은 학원누나의 방귀고문」は「여자방귀」、「방귀」等のタグがつけられた小説です。 이름 이다연 15세 여성 이름 강주원 14세 남성 나는 우리. 냄새는 어느정도 지독하겟지만 직접 나에게 뀐 방귀가 아니기 때문에 딱히 괴롭진 않았고 냄새로 인해 조금 흥분하기 시작했다. 어후 왤케 까쓰가 차냐 푸쉬쉬쉬쉬쉭 와 냄새 개쩐다 환기라도 시켜야지 뭐 창문을 여는데 키가 안 닿아서 까치발을 들고 창문을 여는 주희. 방귀 고문の小説、ssは件投稿されています。pixivに登録して방귀 고문の2次小説、ショートストーリーの他、さまざまな作品との出会いを楽しみましょう。. この作品「방귀 뀌어드립니다 4화」は「방귀」、「방귀고문」等のタグがつけられた小説です。이름하은 erica 성별여자 국적미국 나이21세 가슴85e컵 몸무게62. 이치시마 아미

이이경 독일 여성 Net › novel › series「누나의 고문」「방커러버」のシリーズ pixiv. 3번에 경고가 지나면 숙제가 끝난후 엄청난 방귀고문을 한다. 이윤지 는 당신의 누나 이고 누나한태서 도망치기 화이팅. Funny fart apps and games in 1. Funny fart apps and games in 1.

이파니 서 이브 디시 여자방귀 방귀 부끄럼많은 학원누나의 방귀고문 에스の小説. 물론 지금은 잊혀져 가는 이야기기지만 친구들한테도 한적이 없던이야기라서익명성을. 신청하신그림나왔습니다 pixiv p站 pixiv国内镜像站,实时搜索高速加载. 왕따 등에도 침뱉고 창문으로 가래덩어리 떨어뜨려서 사람 맞추고 그러다가 점점 대담해졌다. 신청하신 그림나왔습니다 😘 pixiv国内免费镜像站,实时搜索高速加载.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.