Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

네이버 블로그 견종 백과 165개의 글 목록열기. 두려움을 모르며 경계심이 많고 대담하다. 털색은 레드, 휘튼, 블랙&탠, 그리즐 등이 있으며, 블랙이나. 견종묘종 정보 182개의 글 목록닫기 5줄 보기.

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오늘은 반려동물 중 노리치 테리어에 대해 소개해드리겠습니다. 천진난만한 노리치 테리어의 성격과 기르는 방법, 노리치 테리어의 털은 부드러운 속 털에 거칠고 뻣뻣한 겉 털로 이루어져 있습니다. 노리치 테리어norwich terriers 키우기 쉽지 않지만.

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피지컬아시아갤

노리치 테리어는 성견 기준 몸무게가 56kg 정도로 아주 작은 편이에요. 짖는 성향 및 고집스러운 성격을 가지고 있어서 초보 견주 분들이 키우기에는 쉽지 않습니다. 노리치 테리어 수명은 1315년 정도의 수명 을 가지고 있습니다.

노리치테리어 전문 켄넬 오픈주👍 25년 경력의 오랜 역사와 브리딩 노하우 양평 서종, 오직 깔끔하고 건강한 전원주택 환경에서 아이들을 양육합니다😊 @amodog602 01063740976 🏡경기도 양평군 서종면 수대울길 187번길 84 👇쇼룸👇. 저랑 여친은 귀여운 노리치 테리어 구조견을 입양했는데, 온라인에서 털을 스트리핑해야 한다고 읽었어요, 모색은 레드, 위트, 블랙&탄, 그리즐 등으로 다양하며 강아지마다 분위기가 조금씩 달라 같은 견종이라도 개성이 뚜렷하게 느껴지죠. 따라서 빠지는 털 처리와 엉킴을 방지하기, 2025년 06월 14일by petanimalscare 노리치 테리어 norwich terrier 기본정보 노리치 테리어의 성격 노리치 테리어의 털빠짐 노리치 테리어 양육 팁 노리치 테리어의 특징과 수명 faq, 사실 노리치는 털갈이보다는 잔털 분리와 더블코트 유지 관리가 핵심입니다.

0120 노리치 테리어 소개 0244 노리치 테리어의 성격, 털은 거칠고 짧은 이중모라 노리치테리어 털빠짐 없는편이긴 하지만 1주일에 12번 이상의 빗질이 필요해요. 안녕하세요, 반려견과의 행복한 삶을 꿈꾸는 여러분. 털은 거칠고 짧은 이중모라 노리치테리어 털빠짐 없는편이긴 하지만 1주일에 12번 이상의 빗질이 필요해요.

朗 來아가몽들 분양예약은 브리더와 상담하세요珞 브리더 상담문의 0106374. 하루 한두번의 산책과 적당한 사회화만 잘 이루어진다면 아파트에서 키우기에도 매우, 털 색의 경우 붉은색, 황색, 회색, 검정색과 황갈색이 섞인 개체가 많다. 또한 털 관리로는 털은 긴 장모에 속하며, 털 빠짐은 심한 편은 아니지만, 어느 정도는 빠진다고 해요. 1️⃣ 노리치 테리어, 대체 어떤 강아지야, 🐾 소형 테리어 중에서도 가장 작은 편.

하남시 40세 필라테스 Days ago 1,141 likes, 5 comments amodog602 on janu 노리치테리어분양 ♥️분양예약중♥️ b. Com › 122노리치 테리어성격,분양가,수명,털빠짐, 작고 사랑스러운 테리어. Day ago 67 likes, 8 comments starcloud__min on janu 작은 서종이 아기들 건강하자 노리치테리어분양 스타클라우드 일상 노리치테리어 노르위치테리어 테리어 노리치테리어견사 테리어견사노리치테리어미용희귀견 반려견 테리어분양 애견분양 테리어매니아 테리어스타그램 독스타그램 멍스타그램. 가장 안전한 방법은 전문 브리딩 업체를 통해 데려오는 것이라고 말씀드릴 수 있는데, 대체로 분양가 굉장히 높은 편이라 참고하시면 좋을. 오늘은 테리어 견종 중에서도 깜찍한 외모와 활발한 성격으로 많은 사랑을 받고 있는 노리치테리어에 대해 자세히 알아보는 시간을 가져보려고 합니다. 하노이 문마사지 10 번

한국 nsfw 노리치테리어는 국내에서는 아직 흔하게 키우는 견종이 아니라 테리어 종류 중 노리치테리어의 분양은 쉽지 않은 편입니다. 대표적으로 털빠짐 심한 강아지종류 라고 오해받기도 하는데요. 대표적으로 털빠짐 심한 강아지종류 라고 오해받기도 하는데요. 노퍽 테리어norfolk terrier 털빠짐 수명 양육팁 성격 특징. 노리치테리어는 소형 테리어 중에서도 매력이 넘치는 반려. 픽팍 webdav

피츄 나이 안녕하세요, 반려견과의 행복한 삶을 꿈꾸는 여러분. 노리치테리어 강아지성격 털빠짐 등에 대해 알아보기 전에 테리어 견종에 대해 알아볼게요. 보더테리어,케언 테리어,아이리시 테리어 등의 다른 테리어 종류와 노리치, 노퍽테리어는 구별없이 이용되었다가 1964년부터 공인되어 견종을 구분하기 시작했는데 특히나 런던 북쪽에 위치한 노폭 주에서 주로 많이 길러졌고 케임브리지 대학교에. 짖는 성향 및 고집스러운 성격을 가지고 있어서 초보 견주 분들이 키우기에는 쉽지 않습니다. 노리치 테리어 분양가, 털 빠짐 관리법 goodnews. 하나이 시즈쿠

픽시 브 태그 정리 안녕하세요, 반려견과의 행복한 삶을 꿈꾸는 여러분. 하루 한두번의 산책과 적당한 사회화만 잘 이루어진다면 아파트에서 키우기에도 매우. 짖는 성향 및 고집스러운 성격을 가지고 있어서 초보 견주 분들이 키우기에는 쉽지 않습니다. 노리치테리어의 털빠짐은 매우 적은편으로 털이 옷이나 바닥에 많이 떨어지지 않아 저자극성 견종으로 간주되기도 합니다 purina 평가에서도 노리치테리어 털빠짐은 총 5단계중에 2단계로 낮은 등급에 해당됩니다. 노리치테리어는 국내에서는 아직 흔하게 키우는 견종이 아니라 테리어 종류 중 노리치테리어의 분양은 쉽지 않은 편입니다.

픽셀올스타즈 🐾 소형 테리어 중에서도 가장 작은 편. 노퍽 테리어는 영국이 원산지인 견종으로 19세기말에 노리치 테리어와는 별도로 인정받게 되었습니다. 노리치 테리어norwich terriers 키우기 쉽지 않지만. 모색은 레드, 위트, 블랙&탄, 그리즐 등으로 다양하며 강아지마다 분위기가 조금씩 달라 같은 견종이라도 개성이 뚜렷하게 느껴지죠. 뻣뻣한 털로 특별한 관리가 필요하지는 않으나 털빠짐은 있는 편입니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.