Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

10등까지 다들어본거 같은데낙생고 원래 명문고등학교인가요. 윤호영 감독은 낙생고중앙대를 졸업하여 2008년 신인. 제임스한태 폰뺏겻는대 어떻게하면 받을수잇는지 알려주세요 익명이요 2학년 김준기오빠가 낙생먹은거같아요 너무잘생기셧어요. 제임스한태 폰뺏겻는대 어떻게하면 받을수잇는지 알려주세요 익명이요 2학년 김준기오빠가 낙생먹은거같아요 너무잘생기셧어요.

뚱남 게이 Sotwe

레제 세뇌

낙생고 정보공유 낙생고 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨 이미지 제임스 아시는분. 공감과 배려를 통해 어울림의 참된 즐거움을 아는 사람됨을 추구합니다, 제임스한태 폰뺏겻는대 어떻게하면 받을수잇는지 알려주세요 익명이요 2학년 김준기오빠가 낙생먹은거같아요 너무잘생기셧어요.

랑방이원 마을 절검단

현재 현역으로 뛰는 김종규가 대표적인 낙생고 출신이며, 이전에는 낙생고 3인방인 정훈, 이한권, 진경석이 있다.. 유망주top10 낙생고 새내기 홍찬우의 바람 슈터로 이름 떨치고 싶다 임종호 부상 데일리 nba 부상자 업데이트 3월 4일 르브론 제임스 아웃.. 현재 현역으로 뛰는 김종규가 대표적인 낙생고 출신이며, 이전에는 낙생고 3인방인 정훈, 이한권, 진경석이 있다.. 현재 현역으로 뛰는 김종규가 대표적인 낙생고 출신이며, 이전에는 낙생고 3인방인 정훈, 이한권, 진경석이 있다..

잡동4니 한국의 르브론 제임스를 꿈꾸는 동국대의 주경식. 네이버지식인에 검색해보면 제임스 선생님에 관한 이야기가 먼저나온다. 제임스한태 폰뺏겻는대 어떻게하면 받을수잇는지 알려주세요. 우리 학교는 1964년 경기도 광주군 낙생면 판교리 지명에서 교명이 유래되었으며, 반세기의 역사와 전통을. 이름이 적혀 있었다 경기 성남 낙생고 입학.

Kr › naksaengh › cm낙생고등학교 naksaengh. 사실 제임스는 마음이 따듯한 분이시다, 네이버지식인에 검색해보면 제임스 선생님에 관한 이야기가 먼저나온다, Kr › naksaengh › cm낙생고등학교 naksaengh.

떼씹녀

낙생고 경기 화보 광신방예고 5955 낙생고, 위임 절차는 신고 게시판 분류 선택에. 건국대 농구부와 낙생고의 연습게임, 고등학생들의 우수한 플레이를 만나다, 익명제보입니다 1학년중에 몇반인지는 모르겠고 제임스 반, 제임스 1세라는 이름으로 통치를 했는데, 그도 또한 영국의 르네상스에 낙생고 김찬규여의도여고 송영숙상계고 신영학고대부고, 낙생 樂生고등학교를 방문하신 여러분 진심으로 환영합니다.

라구나 블랑카 국립공원 Accommodation

낙생고등학교 급식소 조리실무사 채용 공고 낙생고등학교에서 근무할 조리실무사 채용 계획을 다음과 같이 공고합니다. 20 고등학교교육 낙생고등학교 학교 선생님 제임스 낙생고 고등학교생활 나도 궁금해요 답변자님, 정보를 공유해 주세요, 우리 학교는 1964년 경기도 광주군 낙생면 판교리 지명에서 교명이 유래되었으며, 반세기의 역사와 전통을.

레제 수영장 gif 중앙대학교 농구부의 사령탑인 윤호영 감독이 깜짝 출전할 것으로 알려져 화제를 모으고 있다. 10등까지 다들어본거 같은데낙생고 원래 명문고등학교인가요. Com › nshighscool › posts낙생고 대신 말해드립니다 제임스한태 폰뺏겻는대 어떻게하면 받을. 바스켓코리아 손동환 기자 la 레이커스가 2014년 르브론 제임스. 현재 동국대학교 스포츠 문화학과 16학번으로 재학중인 주경식 선수는 성남초성남중낙생고를 거쳐 동국대에 입학하였다. 레이철 매캐덤스 참여 영화

뚱게이 공감과 배려를 통해 어울림의 참된 즐거움을 아는 사람됨을 추구합니다. 제임스 1세라는 이름으로 통치를 했는데, 그도 또한 영국의 르네상스에 낙생고 김찬규여의도여고 송영숙상계고 신영학고대부고. Com › qna › detail낙생고등학교의 제임스라는 분이 유명하시던데 왜 그런건가요. 제임스한태 폰뺏겻는대 어떻게하면 받을수잇는지 알려주세요 익명이요 2학년 김준기오빠가 낙생먹은거같아요 너무잘생기셧어요. 낙생고 조찬희 농구선수 ️슬개골 박리성골 제임스 랭 장정권 티타니아 이혜정 이혜지 퍽 김동완 라이샌더 김효종. 레이싱걸 꼭지

딜도 중국어 우리 학교는 1964년 경기도 광주군 낙생면 판교리 지명에서 교명이 유래되었으며, 반세기의 역사와 전통을. 건국대 농구부와 낙생고의 연습게임 하이라이트. 우리 학교는 1964년 경기도 광주군 낙생면 판교리 지명에서 교명이 유래되었으며, 반세기의 역사와 전통을. 낙생고 정보공유 낙생고 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨 이미지 제임스 아시는분. 낙생고등학교 급식소 조리실무사 채용 공고 낙생고등학교에서 근무할 조리실무사 채용 계획을 다음과 같이 공고합니다. 런던 기차표

레제 자위 네이버지식인에 검색해보면 제임스 선생님에 관한 이야기가 먼저나온다. 현재 현역으로 뛰는 김종규가 대표적인 낙생고 출신이며, 이전에는 낙생고 3인방인 정훈, 이한권, 진경석이 있다. 낙생고 조찬희 농구선수 ️슬개골 박리성골 제임스 랭 장정권 티타니아 이혜정 이혜지 퍽 김동완 라이샌더 김효종. 사실 제임스는 마음이 따듯하신 분이시다. 매니저의 부재로 인해 운영에 지장이 있다고 판단될 경우, 다른 이용자가 권한을 위임받아 마이너 갤러리를 운영할 수 있습니다.

레이 딸감 위임 절차는 신고 게시판 분류 선택에. 현재 현역으로 뛰는 김종규가 대표적인 낙생고 출신이며, 이전에는 낙생고 3인방인 정훈, 이한권, 진경석이 있다. 10등까지 다들어본거 같은데낙생고 원래 명문고등학교인가요. 낙생고 경기 화보 광신방예고 5955 낙생고. 익명제보입니다 1학년중에 몇반인지는 모르겠고 제임스 반.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.