한편, 나비는 지난달 30일 서울 모처에서 한 살 연상의 일반인과 결혼식을 올리며 품절녀 대열에 합류했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Kr › article › view품절녀된 가수 나비한 살 연상 일반인과 결혼국민일보. 앞서 나비는 지난달 30일 서울 모처에서 한 살 연상의 비연예인과 결혼식을 올렸다. 8일 sbs 유튜브 채널에는 나비, 결혼 후 핸드폰 중독으로 180도 돌변한 남편 조성환과 갈등라는. 나비, 결혼 6년만에 안타까운 소식 전했다남편 조성환 달라진.

Mbc라디오 Fm4u ‘정오의 희망곡 김신영입니다’에서 자신이 결혼 소식을 처음 알린 나비는 34년 만에 인생의 동반자를 만나 새 출발을 하게 됐다며 결혼식은 2주 정도 남았고 소소하게 준비하고 있다고 밝혔다.

Exid 솔지와 아주아주 특별한 친구인 품절녀 나비가 함께 부르는 감동의 무대. 제가 데뷔를 한지도 어느덧 12년이 다. 나비는 지난해 11월 30일 1살 연상의 남성과 결혼, 최근 결혼 1주년을 맞았다.

나비는 30일 서울 모처에서 한 살 연상의 중학교 선배와 백년가약을 맺는다.

Exid 솔지와 아주아주 특별한 친구인 품절녀 나비가 함께 부르는 감동의 무대.. 1부 36살 남자와 세 번째 결혼한 52살 여자..

가수 나비, 품절녀 대열 합류웨딩화보 공개30일 비연예인. 16 1105 출처 sbs ‘동상이몽 시즌 2너는 내, Exid 솔지와 아주아주 특별한 친구인 품절녀 나비가 함께 부르는 감동의 무대.

정리가 되면 다시 인사드리고 예쁜 사진들도 보여드릴게요라고 했다. 단독 가수 나비, 11월30일 중학교 동창과 결혼jpg. 현재 나비 결혼은 11월 30일에 서울 모처에서 결혼식을 올린다며 깜짝 발표하여 주목되고 있는데요. 앞서 나비는 지난 16일 고정 게스트로 출연 중인 mbc fm4u 정오의 희망곡 김신영입니다에 게스트로 출연해 직접 결혼 소식을 알렸다, 나비의 결혼식 사회는 개그우먼 김신영이, 축가는 솔지, 길구봉구, 천단비가 각각 맡는다. 나비는 지난 16일 절친이자 결혼식 사회를 맡은 김신영이 진행하는 라디오 mbc fm4u 정오의 희망곡 김신영입니다에서 결혼 소식을 깜짝 발표했다.

나비는 나비의 예비신랑은 중학교때부터 친구로 한살 많은 오빠인데 같은 중학교를 다녔고, 중학교때 당시에도 서로 알고 있었으며, 어른이 되어서도 가끔. 16 1105 출처 sbs ‘동상이몽 시즌 2너는 내. 단독 별사랑, 첫사랑 ♥남친과 오늘20일 결혼축가 조혜련사회 나비 osen하수정 기자 가수 별사랑이 첫사랑 예비신랑과 오늘20일 결혼하는 가운데, 축가는 조혜련, 사회는 가수 나비가 각각 맡았다, 나비의 결혼 소식은 16일 전파를 탄 mbc fm4u 정오의 희망곡 김신영입니다에서 밝혀졌다.

서울뉴스1 장아름 기자 가수 나비가 라디오에서 중학교 동창과의 결혼 소식을 직접 전해 화제를 모으고 있다.

나비는 이혼 및또는 재혼할 수 있나요.. 결국 그래야 아기도 행복해 나비가 결혼육아 겪으며 진짜.. 서울뉴스1 장아름 기자 가수 나비가 라디오에서 중학교 동창과의 결혼 소식을 직접 전해 화제를 모으고 있다.. 현재 나비 결혼은 11월 30일에 서울 모처에서 결혼식을 올린다며 깜짝 발표하여 주목되고 있는데요..

나비는 나비의 예비신랑은 중학교때부터 친구로 한살 많은 오빠인데 같은 중학교를 다녔고, 중학교때 당시에도 서로 알고 있었으며, 어른이 되어서도 가끔. 한편, 1986년생인 나비는 지난 2019년 한 살 연상의 비연예인 남편과 결혼했다, 결국 그래야 아기도 행복해 나비가 결혼육아 겪으며 진짜, 결혼하고 아이를 낳으면서 세상을 바라보는 마음가짐이 정말 많이 바뀌었다는 나비는 엄마로서의 삶도 중요하지만, 엄마이기 이전에 안지호본명. 나비는 sns에 오늘 너무나 많은 분들께 축하 인사를 받아 행복하고 감사한 하루였다, 나비, 깜짝 결혼 발표11월 30일, 훨훨 날아갑니다.

7s_02_ 그녀가 다시 결혼할 수 있을까요, 없을까요. Exid 솔지와 아주아주 특별한 친구인 품절녀 나비가 함께 부르는 감동의 무대. 8일 sbs 유튜브 채널에는 나비, 결혼 후 핸드폰 중독으로 180도 돌변한 남편 조성환과 갈등라는. 블라인드 결혼생활 주요부위 나비문신 결혼 한다안한다. 나비는 sns에 오늘 너무나 많은 분들께 축하 인사를 받아 행복하고 감사한 하루였다. abdl 아카

4775738 정리가 되면 다시 인사드리고 예쁜 사진들도 보여드릴게요라고 했다. 16일 해피메리드컴퍼니 측은 나비가 오는 30일 서울 모처에서 비연예인 연인과 결혼식을 올린다며 웨딩화보를 공개했다. 앞서 나비는 지난 16일 고정 게스트로 출연 중인 mbc fm4u 정오의 희망곡 김신영입니다에 게스트로 출연해 직접 결혼 소식을 알렸다. 제가 데뷔를 한지도 어느덧 12년이 다. 매주 월요일 밤 10시 40분 본방사수. @yoogymsim 디시

624ok 나비는 sns에 오늘 너무나 많은 분들께 축하 인사를 받아 행복하고 감사한 하루였다. 나비는 30일 서울 모처에서 한 살 연상의 중학교 선배와 백년가약을 맺는다. 나비, 결혼 6년만에 안타까운 소식 전했다남편 조성환 달라진. 나비는 30일 서울 모처에서 한 살 연상의 중학교 선배와 백년가약을 맺는다. 품절녀된 가수 나비한 살 연상 일반인과 결혼. 8gakenken8

affair sex sotwe 나비는 현재 임신 13주차로 출산은 내년 4월 예정이다라고 설명하며 우리 부부가 두 아이의 부모라는 것이 많이 떨리기도 하지만 잘 준비하겠다고. 예를 들어, 나비 여성 배우자가 죽어서 잃고, 나중에 부족의 다른 사람과 다시 사랑에 빠졌다고 칩시다. 이날 그는 34년 만에 인생의 동반자를 만나서 새 출발을 하게 됐다고 알렸다. 한편, 1986년생인 나비는 지난 2019년 한 살 연상의 비연예인 남편과 결혼했다. 앞서 나비는 지난 16일 고정 게스트로 출연 중인 mbc fm4u 정오의 희망곡 김신영입니다에 게스트로 출연해 직접 결혼 소식을 알렸다.

99 일 아이들 사진 9일 가요 관계자에 따르면 나비는 현재 임신 상태로 스케줄과 태교를 병행하고 있다. 매주 월요일 밤 10시 40분 본방사수. Kr › entertain › celebritytopic나비, 30일 1세 연상 동창과 결혼 인생 동반자 만나 새 출발종합. 나비 결혼 사진나비 sns 11월의 신부가 되는 가수 나비가 프러포즈 현장을 공개했다. 단독 가수 나비, 11월30일 중학교 동창과 결혼jpg.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.