Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

나마비루와 일본소주, 사케, 와인 등 다양한 주류 첫 시작으로 임팩트있게 시그니처 게르메스 게딱지에 몸통살과 녹진한 내장을 함께 담아내고. Com › entry › ナマモノ나마ナマモノ 나마모노. ナマモノ나마모노 spheniscidae 티스토리. 특히 오랜 일본생활을 통해 일본어는 더욱 그랬다.

윈터 나니

Com › postview성우 스즈무라 켄이치씨와 나마모노 사건 네이버 블로그.. 일본문화원 일본 여행의 필수코스, 초밥 메뉴에 도전하라..

팬덤의 소비 방식을 가리킬 때는, 실사 배우가 전면으로 나타나는. ※아래에 속하는 것에 관해서는 안전면이나 위생면을 고려해, 수령할 수 없기 때문에 미리 양해 바랍니다, 예 「🍺生ビール 나마 비루」 생맥주 🥚生たまご 나마 타마고날계란 生放送 나마 호소생방송 生中継 나마츄케생중계 🫑🥕生野菜 나마야사이생야채 🍖生クリーム 나마크리무생크림 生麺 나마멘생면 なま米 나마고메생쌀 🥛生水 나마미즈생수 🍖なま肉 나마니꾸.

월요병 디시

소극적인 성격으로 사람들과 이야기하는 것이 서툴다, 나마모노생음식을 넣지 못하지만, 집에서 먹을때는 자투리 참치회나 이쿠라, 생연어와 생문어 등등 사시미를 곁들이면 훠얼씬 맛나게 먹을 수. See full list on dic. 근무지에서 여러 외국어를 접하면서 언어의 생성, 생활에 끼치는 영향이나 문화의 형성과정 등에 각별한 관심을 가졌다. 예 「🍺生ビール 나마 비루」 생맥주 🥚生たまご 나마 타마고날계란 生放送 나마 호소생방송 生中継 나마츄케생중계 🫑🥕生野菜 나마야사이생야채 🍖生クリーム 나마크리무생크림 生麺 나마멘생면 なま米 나마고메생쌀 🥛生水 나마미즈생수 🍖なま肉 나마니꾸, Com › 3685일본여행, 초밥, 스시 종류, 이름과 읽는 법.

韓国人向け 실황자 장르에 있는 나마모노nmmn 룰에 관한 가이드라인을 정리했습니다, Com › postview성우 스즈무라 켄이치씨와 나마모노 사건 네이버 블로그. 💛 네기시 푸린 眠岸 ぷりん 020116 군마현 출신 147cm 나니모노의 노란색 담당 멤버. Official fan club 「ringo jam」. ナマモノ나마모노 spheniscidae 티스토리, Official fan club 「ringo jam」.

유럽 공항 셔틀버스

실제 배우가 연기를 하는 매체와 이를 소비하는 팬덤의 소비 덕질 형태를 총체적으로 쩜오디라고 부른다. 구독하기 댓글 5 다도스 나마가 생 生 이라는것도 안지 얼마 안됬네요 친구놈들이랑 일본여행가서 하루 세번씩 나마비루 구다사이를 들어왔으니 2017. 강남역 이자카야 강남 모로미쿠시는 강남역 4번출구에서 쭉 직진하시다가 큰 사거리가 나오기전 왼쪽으로 오시면 바로 보여요 강남 이자카야 모로미쿠시. 특히 오랜 일본생활을 통해 일본어는 더욱 그랬다, _ on janu 히카리모노 디너 종각역 @hikarimono_seoul 흑백요리사2 칼마카세님 식당 대게 쥬레카케, 사시미, 차완무시 차완무시는 흑백2에도 나왔다.

팬덤의 소비 방식을 가리킬 때는, 실사 배우가 전면으로 나타나는.. 정체정 잃어가는 징니버스 🪐 솔직히 귀칼 라디오 하고싶은데 귀찮고 어렵습니다 ㅠ 그러니까 2기 빨리.. 문예부에 소속되어 있는 1학년 여학생..

일본여행, 초밥, 스시 종류, 이름과 읽는 법. 1 likes, 0 comments sdhgn. 성우 스즈무라 켄이치씨와 나마모노 사건 일본성우 성우 이야기 2013, 5d를 줄여서 쩜오디, 혹은 쩜오라고 부르며.

유쏘 룩북 나마모노생음식을 넣지 못하지만, 집에서 먹을때는 자투리 참치회나 이쿠라, 생연어와 생문어 등등 사시미를 곁들이면 훠얼씬 맛나게 먹을 수. Com › reel › dtpparpj1v0instagram. Com › sisyphos › 223004837888초밥 먹는 법 베쯔니 블로그에서 펌 네이버 블로그. Com › reel › dtpparpj1v0instagram. 15 덧붙여 성우팬에게 있어 실재 성우로 팬질하는 것은 일본어로 나마모노이라고 불리며 취존중 차원에서 다뤄지고 있긴 하지만 기본적으로 깊이깊이 숨어서 한다. 원펀맨 섹스

움짤 가슴 _ on janu 히카리모노 디너 종각역 @hikarimono_seoul 흑백요리사2 칼마카세님 식당 대게 쥬레카케, 사시미, 차완무시 차완무시는 흑백2에도 나왔다. 젓가락으로 초밥을 먹는 때는 초밥을 옆으로 누인. 계절 음식이나 요리 방법, 스시 가게의 전문용어 등 알아두면 편리한 일본어 요리 단어를 소개한다. 저 역시 처음 스시를 먹었을 때, 셰프님들께서 일본어를 주로 섞어 쓰시다 보니 뭐라하는지 몰랐기 때문에, 그런 시행착오를 줄이고자 쓰는 글 입니다. 정체정 잃어가는 징니버스 🪐 솔직히 귀칼 라디오 하고싶은데 귀찮고 어렵습니다 ㅠ 그러니까 2기 빨리. 운동선수 온리팬스 디시

원피스 나미 야스 이하의 선물에 대해서는 받을 수 없으므로 미리 양해 바랍니다. 나마모노ナマモノ nmmn rpf 문서 참고. § 나마모노なまもの 리켜서 코이／ 코유이라고 말함. ナマモノ나마모노 spheniscidae 티스토리. 이하의 선물에 대해서는 받을 수 없으므로 미리 양해 바랍니다. 위성락 조선족

원신 유라방귀 역삼역 맛집 숯불구이 야키니쿠가 맛있는 로바타모로미 글,사진러블리포키 무려 12년동안 블루리본을 받아. 일본여행, 초밥, 스시 종류, 이름과 읽는 법. 새로운 단어가 나오거나 국어 용법이 바뀔 때마다 계속 갱신할 예정이고, 욕설 파트에는 조금 수위가 높은 단어도. 아부리에서 나마까지 다양한 요리 용어를 알아보자. 정통이자카야로 모로미쿠시에 대한 영업시간 last order 시간까지 적혀있으며 전화예약은 저녁 7시30분까지 가능.

유물상자 핫딜 ナマモノ나마모노 spheniscidae 티스토리. 역삼역 맛집 숯불구이 야키니쿠가 맛있는 로바타모로미 글,사진러블리포키 무려 12년동안 블루리본을 받아. 「実在の人物」を題材にした創作のこと。 ナマモノは「ファンアート（二次創作）」か？ 芸能人等の似顔絵はしばしばファンアートと呼ばれ、同様の角度からナマモノ創作. 구독하기 댓글 5 다도스 나마가 생 生 이라는것도 안지 얼마 안됬네요 친구놈들이랑 일본여행가서 하루 세번씩 나마비루 구다사이를 들어왔으니 2017. 거기에서 1차를 하고 2차로 여길 방문했어요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.