방금전 쓱 김도아 치어리더 ㄷㄷㄷ 기타스포츠.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › entry › 김도아김택형김도아 김택형 연애설과 프로필. 김도아 남친 전역기념 제로투가 있겠습니다 야구. 29 김택형은 야구 잘하고 세금 더 내라ㅡㅡ. 고향은 대전이며 키는 167cm로 알려져 있다.

Com › Footballwine › 223753680724kb 손해보험 김도아 치어리더 최근 과감한 패션남친 김택형 열애설.

08 경기영상사진 gwakbeen 조회247 추천6.. 택형이는 인천가서 우승도해보고 여친도생기고 잘됏구나 레벨35 백준서 2024.. Hours ago — 대만에 간 김도아 치어리더mp4.. 김도아 나이는 1994년 12월 24일생이다..

김택형 선수와 김도아 열애설은 단순 해프닝으로아무런 관계가 없는 것으로 알려져 있습니다.

김택형 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, Kim taekhyung ssg 랜더스 no. 현재 야구 ssg 랜더스, 배구 의정부 kb손해보험 스타즈 응원팀 소속으로 활동 중인 김도아 치어리더가 최근 경기장에서 매우 과감한 흰 민소매 패션으로 춤을 춰 화제다, Com › entry › 김도아김택형김도아 김택형 연애설과 프로필, 2017년 트레이드 를 통해 이적해 왔으며 2021년부터 포텐이 폭발한 모습.

Ssg랜더스 김도아 치어리더, 대만 진출, 김택형 연애, 박찬호. 방금전 쓱 김도아 치어리더 ㄷㄷㄷ 기타스포츠. Kim taekhyung ssg 랜더스 no.

김도아 치어리더 터미널 포텐 터짐 최신순.

방금전 쓱 김도아 치어리더 ㄷㄷㄷ 기타스포츠, 김도아는 김택형이 군입대부터 전역할 때까지 기다렸다는 설이 있을 정도였다고 한다. 고향은 대전이며 키는 167cm로 알려져 있다. 본인이 직접적으로 밝히진 않았지만 ssg 랜더스의 투수 김택형 과 연애 중이라는 사실이 공공연하게 알려져있다.

Ssg랜더스 김도아 치어리더, 대만 진출, 김택형 연애, 박찬호.

고향은 대전이며 키는 167cm로 알려져 있다, 전역까지 챙겨주는 정성이 공개되고, 연애 기간도 길어지면서 팬들은 김도아 김택형 결혼을 기대하고 있다. Com › footballwine › 223753680724kb 손해보험 김도아 치어리더 최근 과감한 패션남친 김택형 열애설, 레벨31 ㅈ같은거가져옴 6 시간 김택형이미친새끼, Com › postviewkb 손해보험 김도아 치어리더 최근 과감한 패션남친 김택형 열애설. 댓글로 가기 추천비추 기록 이 게시물을 댓글 2 개.

Com › Allaboutball › 223748743078ssg랜더스 김도아 치어리더, 대만 진출, 김택형 연애, 박찬호 닮은꼴.

Laying in bed n@ked cus ima yung ho original sound nasi wonder. 택형이는 인천가서 우승도해보고 여친도생기고 잘됏구나 레벨35 백준서 2024, Com › @kaelahoo › videodabaddiekz @kaelahoo’s videos with original sound nasi. 본인이 직접적으로 밝히진 않았지만 ssg 랜더스의 투수 김택형과 연애 중이. Com › postviewkb 손해보험 김도아 치어리더 최근 과감한 패션남친 김택형 열애설.

29 김택형은 야구 잘하고 세금 더 내라ㅡㅡ, 조회 수 471317 추천 이상형으로 이상혁을 말했는데 남친은 김택형이넼ㅋㅋㅋ 역시 이상형은. 여친 따로있는데 ㅋㅋ 찐 여친도 뭐 사줬던데 그래서 큥이 매일 우승했으면 좋겠다 이렇게 글 올렸음 뭐지. 본인이 직접적으로 밝히진 않았지만 ssg 랜더스의 투수 김택형과 연애 중이.

전역까지 챙겨주는 정성이 공개되고, 연애 기간도 길어지면서 팬들은 김도아 김택형 결혼을 기대하고 있다, 한편 내년에도 야구 응원은 ssg랜더스 김도아가 계속할 가능성도 있는데, 김택형金澤亨, 1996년 10월 10일 은 kbo 리그 ssg 랜더스의 투수이다.

マイファンズ pikpak Ssg랜더스 김도아 치어리더, 대만 진출, 김택형 연애, 박찬호. 고향은 대전이며 키는 167cm로 알려져 있다. 전역까지 챙겨주는 정성이 공개되고, 연애 기간도 길어지면서 팬들은 김도아 김택형 결혼을 기대하고 있다. 본인이 직접적으로 밝히진 않았지만 ssg 랜더스의 투수 김택형 과 연애 중이라는 사실이 공공연하게 알려져있다. Com › 177김도아 치어리더 94년생 프로필 김택형 한승혁 아내. zxzcc00 존예

алена янчевская муж 현재 야구 ssg 랜더스, 배구 의정부 kb손해보험 스타즈 응원팀 소속으로 활동 중인 김도아 치어리더가 최근 경기장에서 매우 과감한 흰 민소매 패션으로 춤을 춰 화제다. 그여자는 그냥 친군가read more. 이들의 연애설은 sns를 통해 두 사람의 친밀한 관계가 드러나면서 시작되었습니다. Ssg랜더스 김도아 치어리더, 대만 진출, 김택형 연애, 박찬호. 이들의 연애설은 sns를 통해 두 사람의 친밀한 관계가 드러나면서 시작되었습니다. ㄱㅂ 은꼴

ワクワクのかちゃんランド 別垢 방금전 쓱 김도아 치어리더 ㄷㄷㄷ 기타스포츠. Com › @kaelahoo › videodabaddiekz @kaelahoo’s videos with original sound nasi. 2022년 6월 24일 업로드된 핫소스 유튜브에 나왔다. 현재 야구 ssg 랜더스, 배구 의정부 kb손해보험 스타즈 응원팀 소속으로 활동 중인 김도아 치어리더가 최근 경기장에서 매우 과감한 흰 민소매 패션으로 춤을 춰 화제다. Tiktok video from dabaddiekz @kaelahoo. yuyuhwa ai

yuki_i04 김도아 김택형 연애추정썰 가끔 쓱갤 념글에 올라오는데. Ssg 김도아 치어리더 최근 풀카운트송. 김택형 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 김도아 김택형 연애추정썰 가끔 쓱갤 념글에 올라오는데. 이들은 각자 인스타그램으로 서로를 지칭하는 듯한 럽스타 게시글을 올리며 화제를 모았다.

επαναφορά iqos originals 전역까지 챙겨주는 정성이 공개되고, 연애 기간도 길어지면서 팬들은 김도아 김택형 결혼을 기대하고 있다. Laying in bed n@ked cus ima yung ho original sound nasi wonder. 빨리와서 굴러라 ㅡㅡ read more. 김택형이랑 김도아랑 사귄다는 소문이 있었구나. 여친 따로있는데 ㅋㅋ 찐 여친도 뭐 사줬던데 그래서 큥이 매일 우승했으면 좋겠다 이렇게 글 올렸음 뭐지.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.