윤석열 국민의힘 대선 후보의 배우자 김건희 씨가 26일 오후 서울 여의도 국민의힘 중앙당사에서 경력 부풀리기 의혹에 대한 사과 입장을 밝힌 후.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

대학 때 종교적으로 방황한 듯 사찰도 대학 때 다녔었음 01. 김건희가 무당불러서 대통령실 인사봤나봄 기타 국내. 김건희가 무당불러서 대통령실 인사봤나봄 기타 국내. 김건희 가문의 종교 정체성 논란최근 유튜브 채널 열린공감tv에서 방송된 굥짜장썰뎐 58회에서 제기된 김건희 씨 가문과 무속, 심지어 일본 무속과의 연관성에 대한 의혹이 커다란 파장을 일으키고 있습니다.

용군tv 매화도령 Shorts 천안점집 점집 무당 김건희 김건희사주 김건희신점.

좋아요 98개,용군tv @yongkuntv01 님의 Tiktok 틱톡 동영상 김건희 영부인 하반기운기.

무당집안이고 고모랑 할머니가 무당이라고 했던 갤럼이다, 내가 무당이 아니라서 아는 선에서 니들이 궁금하던거 말해준다.. 원래는 1을 가지고 있었는데 10개를 추구하는.. Redirecting to sgall.. Com › blahblah771 › 223917834519김건희 무당 무속인 진실일까..

이재명도 무당말 믿고 열심히해서 대통령 된거임 ㅋㅋㅋ, 김건희 가문의 종교 정체성 논란최근 유튜브 채널 열린공감tv에서 방송된 굥짜장썰뎐 58회에서 제기된 김건희 씨 가문과 무속, 심지어 일본 무속과의 연관성에 대한 의혹이 커다란 파장을 일으키고 있습니다. 김건희 모친 최은순의 할머니, 또 김건희 사촌 이모가 무당이었는데, 집안이 양평이었잖아요, 그런데 이 무당들이 한 말은 김건희가 기자와 전화로 나눈 대화에 나온 내용과 대체로 일치한다. 김건희, 무당에 성경 읽어주는 여자 여의도엔 이미 소문 파다, Com › @yongkuntv01 › video김건희 영부인 하반기운기.

209 김건희 저 톡내용은 모르고 윤통이 어릴때 미션스쿨허고 Ymca 다녀서 주일학교나 기독교에 심취한적 있었다고 본인이 인터뷰한거 들었음 01.

원래는 1을 가지고 있었는데 10개를 추구하는, 2박3일 사라져 굿했다는 썰이 진짜냐, 좋아요 98개,용군tv @yongkuntv01 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 김건희 영부인 하반기운기.

Com › blahblah771 › 223917834519김건희 무당 무속인 진실일까. 김건희 윤석열 사주풀이 신점 김건희 김건희신점 김건희사주대한민국에 무당이 60만 명이 있다는 기사를 봤다. 대통령 선거 이전부터 불거졌던 무속 논란은, 김건희 여사의 발언에서부터 대통령 부부의 조력자를 자처한 이들의 행적에서 까지 확인됐는데요. 연속재생 앵커 김건희 여사를 둘러싼 논란의 중심엔 많은 경우 무속이 있었습니다. 강신업 건희사랑 회장변호사과 이승환 건사랑 대표는 유튜브 ‘턴라이트tv’를 운영하는. Kr › 50733논설 사실상 무속과 김건희가 지배한 윤석열 정권서울의 소리.

Com › mgallery › board4탄 김건희씨는 무당에게 다양한 질문을 했습니다 브금추가 중도.. 검건희 여사가 명리학자에게 ‘저 감옥 가나요.. 그런데 이 무당들이 한 말은 김건희가 기자와 전화로 나눈 대화에 나온 내용과 대체로 일치한다..

30년경력 무당에게 김건희 사주를 몰래 드려봤더니.

근데 그건 그주최측이 유명인 이름 도용한거같던데. 29 참사’ 현장에서 이색적인 풍광이 찍힌 사진 하나가 등장해 눈길을 끌었다. 김건희 사안을 취재한 기자 ㄱ씨와 유튜브 채널 서울의소리, 열린공감tv 에 대해서도 방송금지 가처분을 신청했다고 이날 밝혔다.

윤석열 국민의힘 대선 후보의 배우자 김건희 씨가 26일 오후 서울 여의도 국민의힘 중앙당사에서 경력 부풀리기 의혹에 대한 사과 입장을 밝힌 후. ’라고 조언을 구했다고 한겨레21이 단독 보도했습니다, Com › mgallery › board4탄 김건희씨는 무당에게 다양한 질문을 했습니다 브금추가 중도. 무당성괴 김건희 떡검들 개검들 3년동안 한일 기타 국내.

Net › Service › Board한겨레 김건희 무당 싫어한다 했지만&mldr.

209 김건희 저 톡내용은 모르고 윤통이 어릴때 미션스쿨허고 ymca 다녀서 주일학교나 기독교에 심취한적 있었다고 본인이 인터뷰한거 들었음 01, 김건희 여사에 대해 ‘무당’ ‘사기꾼’ 등의 표현을 쓴 우파 유튜버가 김 여사 팬카페로부터 명예훼손 혐의로 고발 당했다. 김건희 사안을 취재한 기자 ㄱ씨와 유튜브 채널 서울의소리, 열린공감tv 에 대해서도 방송금지 가처분을 신청했다고 이날 밝혔다. 무당들이 김건희의 미래를 알 수 있다고, 148k views 1 year ago.

harpi 대체 디시 공포갤펌무당집안, 궁금한거 답변해준다. Kr › 50733논설 사실상 무속과 김건희가 지배한 윤석열 정권서울의 소리. 김건희, 윤석열과 손을 뗐다는 무속인 봉돌이 2024. 근데 그건 그주최측이 유명인 이름 도용한거같던데. 30년경력 무당에게 김건희 사주를 몰래 드려봤더니. fuqsex

fullhousekorea 근데 그건 그주최측이 유명인 이름 도용한거같던데. Com › entry › 김건희집안김건희 집안 무속 논란, 정말 일본 무당의 후손일까. 김건희 가문의 종교 정체성 논란최근 유튜브 채널 열린공감tv에서 방송된 굥짜장썰뎐 58회에서 제기된 김건희 씨 가문과 무속, 심지어 일본 무속과의 연관성에 대한 의혹이 커다란 파장을 일으키고 있습니다. 웬만한 무당 내가 봐준다는 김건희, 기자의 관상을 보다 김건희의 7시간51분 그의 발언에서 새어 나오는 무속의 기운 ① 박현광 parkhyungwang. 소름돋네이렇게 하고도 병신 짓 해버린 돼지새끼 성괴그리고 앞잡이 개새끼들syoutube. gret-50jav

fc2ppv4784248 그런데 뜬금없이 최은순 씨가 동해에 땅을 물려받습니다. 특이한 복장을 한 사람이 참사장 앞에 서서 종교의식과 같은 기이한 행위를 한 것이다. Com › nws_web › view웬만한 무당 내가 봐준다는 김건희, 기자의 관상을 보다. 김건희 사주 본 무속인, 회의감이 든다 영부인 사주 없다. 1찍들 김건희가 무당 믿는다고 까는데 만화 갤러리. hayoung_v

fears to fathom 실화 디시 23 160502 조회 2342 추천 130 댓글 83 관련게시물 어도어 감사인사와 뉴진스 표절관련 입장문 전문. 그런데 이 무당들이 한 말은 김건희가 기자와 전화로 나눈 대화에 나온 내용과 대체로 일치한다. 검건희 여사가 명리학자에게 ‘저 감옥 가나요. 김건희 사안을 취재한 기자 ㄱ씨와 유튜브 채널 서울의소리, 열린공감tv 에 대해서도 방송금지 가처분을 신청했다고 이날 밝혔다. 김건희 씨는 무당인 내가 보기에도 사주에 거의 반 미쳐서, 거기에 혼을 다.

fc2视频 이지아, ‘시선 강탈’ 블랙 튜브톱 드레스. 그러던 중 문뜩 생각이 들었다그중에 진짜 무당은 몇 명이나 될까. 김건희 윤석열 사주풀이 신점 김건희 김건희신점 김건희사주대한민국에 무당이 60만 명이 있다는 기사를 봤다. 특이한 복장을 한 사람이 참사장 앞에 서서 종교의식과 같은 기이한 행위를 한 것이다. 김건희, 무당에 성경 읽어주는 여자 여의도엔 이미 소문 파다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.