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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일본에서는, 유명 남성 잡지의 그라비아 페이지에 나오는 게 모델이나 배우들한테 성공으로 가는 문이지. url 복사 이웃추가 비키니 비키니녀 비키니걸 여자실내수영복 모노키니 여자수영복 여자비키니 비키니모델 일본비키니모델 연예인비키니 비키니화보 비키니인스타 그라비아. 일본에서 주로 소녀나 젊은 여성들의 외설적인 사진이나 동영상, 혹은 그러한 사진이 잔뜩 실린 잡지를 말한다. 그라비아 모델은 성행위를 노골적으로 묘사하거나 신체.

엄청난 누드나 그런것도 아니고 그냥 레이싱모델이면 찍었을만한 그냥.. 국내에선 6월에 skt가 `코리아 그라비아`라는 서비스를 오픈하면서 `그라비아`라는 낯선 단어가 알려지기 시작했다.. 신인 연예인이 그라비아 화보를 통해 스타.. Com › he852456 › 220946291644일본의 그라비아 아이돌 역사와 현재 네이버 블로그..

Url 복사 이웃추가 비키니 비키니녀 비키니걸 여자실내수영복 모노키니 여자수영복 여자비키니 비키니모델 일본비키니모델 연예인비키니 비키니화보 비키니인스타 그라비아.

그라비아 안녕하세요 전 현장 베테랑 하수구 뚫는 남자입니다 오늘은 평소와는 조금 다른 이야기그.

Swimsuit carve gravure 08, 아이돌 출신 그라돌 그라비아 아이돌로는 국내에서도 나름 유명한 나가사와 마리나 長澤茉里奈, 호우카고 프린세스 출신 를 필두로 아마키 쥰 天木じゅん, 카멘죠시의 아머걸스 출신, 토마루 사야카 都丸紗也華, fyt 출신, 모리사키 토모미 森咲智美, os☆u, Com › 228그라비아가 무슨 뜻이에요, 그라비아 모델은 성행위를 노골적으로 묘사하거나 신체.

Com › 228그라비아가 무슨 뜻이에요, 그라비아의 어원은 몸매랑 전혀관계없는 그라비아 인쇄술로써 사실 당시의 성인물 잡지를 뽑아내던 인쇄기술을 뜻합니다. 11k views 1 year ago, 노출의 정도는 각 모델마다 다르겠습니다만, 수영복은 필수인것은 맞는것 같습니다. 그라비아 아이돌의 화보의 특징은 신체의 전면 노출을 하지 않는다는 것입니다.

일본에선 청순한 외모에 육감적인 몸매의 모델들을 중심으로 `그라비아 아이돌`이라는 개념이 일반화되어 있다. 그라비아는 원래 이탈리아에서 유래한 낮은 조각상이나 벽화를 나타내는 단어로 사용되었으나, 일본에서는 이 용어가. 영어로는 rotogravure picture 또는 photogravure 포토그라비아이며, 포토그라비아는 그라비아 인쇄라는 의미도 가지고 있다, 나무위키에 보니 미성년자들이 찍는거라던데 보니까 2006,7,8년도에 찍은거던데 그럼 미성년자도 아니잖아요, 신인 연예인이 그라비아 화보를 통해 스타로 뜨는 일종의 등용문 역할을 하고 있는 것이다.

국내 1위 그라비아 모델 소속사 전현직 대표들이 35회에 걸쳐 모델들을 성폭행성추행한 혐의로 구속기소됐다. Org › wiki › 분류그라비아_모델분류그라비아 모델 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, Com › entry › 그라비아그라비아 모델이란, 그라비아 pyuna maps more, 그라비아 모델이란 주로 일본에서 사용하는 용어로, 주로 성인 잡지나 dvd 등에서 활동하는 여성 모델을 가리킵니다, 잡지 등의 컬러면에 서비스하는 것을 의미합니다.

일본 그라비아 모델 편아가 말아주는 그라비아와 Av의 차이점 ㅣ 머저리쇼 Ep.

Com › entry › 그라비아뜻그라비아 뜻. 또한 2010년경부터 akb48 등의 그룹 아이돌이나 패션잡지의 모델들이, 잡지의 표지나 그라비아 페이지, 나아가서는 전술한 버라이어티 프로그램의 「그라비아 탤런트 프레임」에 나누어 등장하게 되어, 기존 그라돌 의 활약의 장소가 조금씩 잃어 갔다 36. Com › 그라비아아이돌의의미와그라비아 아이돌의 의미와 그라비아 출신 여배우 top3, Com › 그라비아아이돌의의미와그라비아 아이돌의 의미와 그라비아 출신 여배우 top3.

노출의 정도는 각 모델마다 다르겠습니다만, 수영복은 필수인것은 맞는것 같습니다. 11k views 1 year ago. 일본 톱 모델이 되려면 그라비아 모델을 거쳐야 한다는 말도 있지요. 섹시하고 참신하고 `그라비아 모델` 뜬다, 일본의 그라비아グラビア, gravure는 일본 대중문화의 한 부분으로 자리 잡은 독특한 사진 콘텐츠입니다.

노출의 정도는 각 모델마다 다르겠습니다만, 수영복은 필수인것은 맞는것 같습니다. 그라비아 아이돌, 혹은 그라비아 모델이라고 하는데 일본 여자 연예인들은 처음에 이런 그라비아로 데뷔. 영어로는 rotogravure picture 또는 photogravure 포토그라비아이며, 포토그라비아는 그라비아 인쇄라는 의미도 가지고 있다, 그라비아 매체의 모델은 그라비아 아이돌이라 불리며, 주로 젊은 여성들을 모델로 삼는다.

히토미 대체 앱 그라비아グラビア는 일본에서 시작된 말로 10대 소녀들의 섹시미와 청순미를 과시하는 수영복비키니 사진을 만화. 최근 2017 맥심 모델 어워즈에 참석하기 위해 방한해 각 방송사 예능프로그램에 출연한 1992년생 일본 그라비아 모델 시노자키 아이가 대표적이다. 일본 그라비아 모델 편아가 말아주는 그라비아와 av의 차이점. 엄청난 누드나 그런것도 아니고 그냥 레이싱모델이면 찍었을만한 그냥. Com 동탄 신도시 미시룩 원피스 처자 스타일. 히어하트 av

히토미 izure 그라비아 모델은 포르노 배우와 다른 개념의 직업이지만 과거 대중은 그렇게 생각하지 않았다. 그라비아 안녕하세요 전 현장 베테랑 하수구 뚫는 남자입니다 오늘은 평소와는 조금 다른 이야기그. 그라비아 모델이란 주로 일본에서 사용하는 용어로, 주로 성인 잡지나 dvd 등에서 활동하는 여성 모델을 가리킵니다. 나무위키에 보니 미성년자들이 찍는거라던데 보니까 2006,7,8년도에 찍은거던데 그럼 미성년자도 아니잖아요. Swimsuit carve gravure 08. 환연 민경 사주

히든페이스 링크 나무위키에 보니 미성년자들이 찍는거라던데 보니까 2006,7,8년도에 찍은거던데 그럼 미성년자도 아니잖아요. 엄청난 누드나 그런것도 아니고 그냥 레이싱모델이면 찍었을만한 그냥. 그라비아의 어원은 프랑스어gravure에서. 배우 하연수가 일본 잡지 그라비아 촬영을 성공리에 마쳤다. Synonyms for 그라비아 and translation of 그라비아 to 25 languages. 후지 데리헤루

흑인 예쁜 여자 일본에서 주로 소녀나 젊은 여성들의 외설적인 사진이나 동영상, 혹은 그러한 사진이 잔뜩 실린 잡지를 말한다. Org › wiki › 분류그라비아_모델분류그라비아 모델 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 그라비아 아이돌, 혹은 그라비아 모델이라고 하는데 일본 여자 연예인들은 처음에 이런 그라비아로 데뷔. 그라비아 매체의 모델은 그라비아 아이돌이라 불리며, 주로 젊은 여성들을 모델로 삼는다. 우리가 어렴풋이 아는 그라비아는 뭔가 글래머러스하고 섹시한.

후방 유튜브 11k views 1 year ago. 뜻하자면 노출있는 화보를 촬영하는 모델. 그라비아 pyuna maps more. 그라비아 아이돌일본어 グラビアアイドル 구라비아 아이도루은 직종의 하나로 일본에서 유래된 이름이며, 그라비아 사진집, 영상집 등에 출연한 사람을 뜻한다. Org › wiki › 분류그라비아_모델분류그라비아 모델 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.