자료출처 구마유시 본인, lck 공식자료.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2025 lck 구마유시 스타팅 라인업 선발 논란 r108 판. 자료출처 구마유시 본인, lck 공식자료. 논란,대화,힐링,중국인,짱깨,중국사람,중국어,조선족,유토피아,디스토피아,1984 lck컵 화이팅. 우월하고 잘나가는 스펙에 + 화목한 가정.

Kr 구마유시 Gumayusi 이민형 T1 T1lol T1결별 Fa 롤드컵 월즈mvp 롤드컵3연패 리그오브레전드 Leagueoflegends 롤 E스포츠 이스포츠 뉴스 속보.

논란,대화,힐링,중국인,짱깨,중국사람,중국어,조선족,유토피아,디스토피아,1984 lck컵 화이팅.. 롤정보 구마유시의 lck 최다킬은 12 킬이다.. 정상의 범주에서 살아가는 사람들만 봐도 부아가 치미는 그들인데.. 티응갤은 구마유시를 주전으로 쓸 경우 구마유시를 방출시키지 못할 것이라며 패배를 기원하고 다녔고, 구마유시의 팬들은 구마유시를 주전으로 사용하지 않는 t1의 패배를..

한화생명 구마유시 논란의 본질은 걍 이거임ㅋㅋㅋ.

뉴 구마유시의 인성&정치질 빨간약 모음11. 2020년 7월 2일, 솔랭에서 주 라인이 정글인 유저가 라인 선택이 꼬여 서폿이 되어 구마유시 와 봇 듀오를 이루게 되었다. 우월하고 잘나가는 스펙에 + 화목한 가정, 2025년 11월, t1 원딜 구마유시이민형가 팀과 공식 결별하고 fa자유계약 신분가 됐습니다. Com › board › view충격주의 구마유시 근황jpg 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 11 134937 ip ip보기클릭 스크랩 url 복사.

2025 Lck 구마유시 스타팅 라인업 선발 논란 R108 판.

구마유시 열등감 논란이 t1 탈퇴 소식과 함께 재조명되고 있습니다. 한화전 개박살나고 휴가가서 여친이랑 놀았다고 언냐들이 물어뜯는중 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ참고로 윌러 전여친이고윌러. 우월하고 잘나가는 스펙에 + 화목한 가정. 2025 lck 구마유시 스타팅 라인업 선발 논란 r108 판, 논란,대화,힐링,중국인,짱깨,중국사람,중국어,조선족,유토피아,디스토피아,1984 lck컵 화이팅. 구마유시의 팬덤 비중이 높은 장소이며 lck컵부터 시작한 주전 경쟁 과정에서 스크림 관전 논란, 말 바꾸기 등 공평한 주전 경쟁이 아니었다는 주장과.

구마옆이라 역체폿이네 원딜이랑 딜량이같음ㄷ, 롤 정말 몰라서 그러는데 구마유시 논란이라는게 뭐가 있음. 한화생명 구마유시 논란의 본질은 걍 이거임ㅋㅋㅋ, ‘ 하고 끌고 오는거 머라한거임 인터스텔라재개봉 2025, X에서 패드립, 데드립을 포함한 원색적인 각종 비하 모욕적인 비난발언, 구마유시 일반인 돌린거 논란뜸jpg 리그 오브 레전드 갤러리.

구마유시 논란된것들 보는데 이건좀 심하네 롤 대회 마이너.

구마유시 일반인 돌린거 논란뜸jpg 리그 오브 레전드 갤러리.. 티응갤은 구마유시를 주전으로 쓸 경우 구마유시를 방출시키지 못할 것이라며 패배를 기원하고 다녔고, 구마유시의 팬들은 구마유시를 주전으로 사용하지 않는 t1의 패배를.. 그러나 사건이 진행될수록 조 마쉬에 대한 비판뿐 아니라 구마유시도 아무런 책임이 없겠냐며 폄하, 비난성 의견이 커져가며 점점 자신들이 배척하는 디시 롤갤, 티응갤과 다를바 없는 사이트가 되어가고 있다는 비판을 받고 있다..

2025년 11월, t1 원딜 구마유시이민형가 팀과 공식 결별하고 fa자유계약 신분가 됐습니다. 팬들을 사랑하고, 게임이 재미없을정도로 엄청난 실력을 가지고있는 구마유시에 대해 알아보자, ‘멘탈’ 강의 클래스 곧 열림골드킹상 듀오상 ‘대마유시’.

협동타워디펜스 ‘ 하고 끌고 오는거 머라한거임 인터스텔라재개봉 2025. 구마유시의 팬덤 비중이 높은 장소이며 lck컵부터 시작한 주전 경쟁 과정에서 스크림 관전 논란, 말 바꾸기 등 공평한 주전 경쟁이 아니었다는 주장과. 이새끼 가면 딮민이네 왜 구마유시가 수비임. 한화전 개박살나고 휴가가서 여친이랑 놀았다고 언냐들이 물어뜯는중 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ참고로 윌러 전여친이고윌러. X에서 패드립, 데드립을 포함한 원색적인 각종 비하 모욕적인 비난발언. 혼조스즈 레전드

한국야동 뼈드로저 2025년 11월, t1 원딜 구마유시이민형가 팀과 공식 결별하고 fa자유계약 신분가 됐습니다. 티응갤은 구마유시를 주전으로 쓸 경우 구마유시를 방출시키지 못할 것이라며 패배를 기원하고 다녔고, 구마유시의 팬들은 구마유시를 주전으로 사용하지 않는 t1의 패배를. 우월하고 잘나가는 스펙에 + 화목한 가정. 구마유시 열등감 논란이 t1 탈퇴 소식과 함께 재조명되고 있습니다. 이새끼 가면 딮민이네 왜 구마유시가 수비임. 홍 삼계탕 야코

함은정 디시 롤 정말 몰라서 그러는데 구마유시 논란이라는게 뭐가 있음. 롤정보 구마유시의 lck 최다킬은 12 킬이다. 정상의 범주에서 살아가는 사람들만 봐도 부아가 치미는 그들인데. 플레이를 하나하나 뜯어봤을 때 카이사 플레이의 난이도가 어렵지 않았다고 생각해요 그리고 반대로 오늘 구마유시 선수가 나왔다고 해서 경기 결과가 달라진다 생각하면 전 아닐거라 생각해요. Kr 구마유시 gumayusi 이민형 t1 t1lol t1결별 fa 롤드컵 월즈mvp 롤드컵3연패 리그오브레전드 leagueoflegends 롤 e스포츠 이스포츠 뉴스 속보. 허벌인지 아닌지

헤징 Hours ago — 부품 최상위권 유지하다가 작년에 고장났는데 그래도 월즈 먹고 갈았으면 먹을만큼 먹은거 아니냐. 한화전 개박살나고 휴가가서 여친이랑 놀았다고 언냐들이 물어뜯는중 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ참고로 윌러 전여친이고윌러. 뉴 구마유시의 인성&정치질 빨간약 모음11. 롤정보 구마유시의 lck 최다킬은 12 킬이다. 팬들을 사랑하고, 게임이 재미없을정도로 엄청난 실력을 가지고있는 구마유시에 대해 알아보자.

허벌 기준 우월하고 잘나가는 스펙에 + 화목한 가정. Fa 시장 최대어로 떠오른 구마유시의 다음 행선지에 e스포츠 팬들의 이목이 집중되고 있다. 구마유시 일반인 돌린거 논란뜸jpg 리그 오브 레전드 갤러리. 구마유시 일반인 돌린거 논란뜸jpg 리그 오브 레전드 갤러리. 이새끼 가면 딮민이네 왜 구마유시가 수비임.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.