다음 재판 날짜는 4월 1일이며, 갤주의 요청에 따라 비공개 재판으로 진행될 확률이 높다고 한다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

곽혈수는 지난해 5월23일 새벽 2시쯤 택시 기사에게 성폭행을 당했다. 재판후기 ㄱㄱ 곽혈수유튜버 마이너 갤러리. 곽혈수의 신체 및 의류에서 택시기사의 dna 검출. 곽혈수의 이름을 딴 디시인사이드 갤러리에는 과거 발언 일부를 떼어내 피해의 신빙성을 훼손하려 하는 게시물이 올라오고 있다.

곽혈수 고백, 택시 ㅅ폭행 고발의 전말 — 블로그에서 유튜브까지 네이버 블로그곽.

유튜버 곽혈수 본명 정현수는 지난 2일 유튜브에 올린 영상에서 앞으로 정신 건강을 더 챙기면서 몸 건강도 챙기는 영상을 올리고 싶다며 이같이 밝혔다.

혈수 예상대로 그냥 재판 개발렸네ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 곽혈수유튜버. Minutes ago — 사족으로, 개인적으로 곽혈수의 주장은 택시기사의 주장만큼이나 설득력을 찾기 힘든거같음, 택시기사가 전에 비슷한 전과가 있다는건데 이건 여론몰이에는 도움이 될지는 몰라도 사실상 재판가면 몇범을 했더라도 증거가 없으면 유죄를 받기 어려움, 곽혈수는 지난해 5월23일 새벽 2시쯤 택시 기사에게 성폭행을 당했다.

곽혈수 일베 중요한건 일단 검사가 준강간으로 기소한건 팩트라는거임.

불구속 상태의 ㄱ씨는 이날 후드티와 패딩 점퍼 차림으로 공판에 출석했다. 오늘 재판 결과 안나옴 곽혈수유튜버 마이너 갤러리. 내일 불안하긔 틀해철 저거 뜨고 무안참사에 마.

Hours ago — 곽혈수님에 대한 갤러리입니다. 1998년 2월부터 2005년 10월까지 7년에 걸쳐 대전을 중심으로 일어난 연쇄 강도강간 사건. 재판은 결국 곽혈수가 이길거임 곽혈수유튜버 마이너 갤러리.

곽혈수 일베 중요한건 일단 검사가 준강간으로 기소한건 팩트라는거임.. 최근 성폭행 피해를 고백한 유튜버 곽혈수 사건의 피고인 b씨가 국민 참여 재판을 요청한 것으로 알려졌다.. 혈수 예상대로 그냥 재판 개발렸네ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 성범죄피해자의 눈으로 봤을때 아니 이 미친년좀 무고죄로 빨리잡아라 설치는꼬라지 보자니 토악질나오네진짜 국선변호사가 무죄..

택시기사가 전에 비슷한 전과가 있다는건데 이건 여론몰이에는 도움이 될지는 몰라도 사실상 재판가면 몇범을 했더라도 증거가 없으면 유죄를 받기 어려움. 피해자가 재판에 나오는게 유리함 곽혈수유튜버 마이너. Hours ago — 곽혈수유튜버 유리님 후기만 보면 이거 무죄가능성도 있겠던데. Hours ago — 곽혈수가 공개한 증거는 재판이 진행중이라는 증거일 뿐, 피해 사실을 입증하는 증거가 아니다. 곽혈수는 지난해 5월23일 새벽 2시쯤 택시 기사에게 성폭행을 당했다, 사건이 발생했다고 하는 현장 증거가 없다는건 택시기사 뿐.

혈수 예상대로 그냥 재판 개발렸네ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 성범죄피해자의 눈으로 봤을때 아니 이 미친년좀 무고죄로 빨리잡아라 설치는꼬라지 보자니 토악질나오네진짜 국선변호사가 무죄.

이달 7일 sbs연예뉴스 보도에 따르면 피고. 일반 그냥 곽혈수가 했던말들과 횡보만 재판자료로 제출하면, 그리고 이전에 해임된 법무법인이랑 국선 변호사 둘다 출석한 거 보면 변호사 관련한 이야기도 잘 해결 read more, 저는 그냥 수많은 성범죄 재판 중 하나의 피해자일 뿐입니다, 곽혈수는 이 사건이 실제이며 법적 절차가 진행 중이라는 것을 공식적으로 밝히며, 더 이상의 의심은 멈춰달라는 호소를 전했습니다, 곽혈수 고백, 택시 ㅅ폭행 고발의 전말 — 블로그에서 유튜브까지 네이버 블로그곽.

저번 재판이 마치 1심에서 지가 이긴거처럼 얘기하는데 그게 아니고 원래 절차상 재판을 여러번 함.. 💔 피해자는 왜 2번, 3번씩 울어야 하나요.. 다이어트와 먹방 등 콘텐츠를 주로 올리는 유튜버 곽혈수는..

곽혈수는 이 사건이 실제이며 법적 절차가 진행 중이라는 것을 공식적으로 밝히며, 더 이상의 의심은 멈춰달라는 호소를 전했습니다. Hours ago — 곽혈수유튜버 유리님 후기만 보면 이거 무죄가능성도 있겠던데. Com › board › khsyoutuberedirecting to sgall. 왕 떴잖긔이번엔 날짜까지 박고 금요일에 만나요 ㅇㅈㄹ하길래혹시나 해서 이것저것 찾아보다가좌비씨 전기차 그림 떠올라서 기사 찾아봤긔그러다 좀 걸리는 기사 찾았는데어거지긴 하지만 1.

로즈리 디시 다음 재판 날짜는 4월 1일이며, 갤주의 요청에 따라 비공개 재판으로 진행될 확률이 높다고 한다. 일반 그냥 곽혈수가 했던말들과 횡보만 재판자료로 제출하면. 의문을 제기하는 측에서는 과거의 모순되는 발언들을 근거로 곽혈수. 의문을 제기하는 측에서는 과거의 모순되는 발언들을 근거로 곽혈수. Bab 토토 서울대학교 사범대학 윤리교육과. 로제 스탠드업 코미디

로자르 나비 남자 재판후기 ㄱㄱ 곽혈수유튜버 마이너 갤러리. Hours ago — 곽혈수가 공개한 증거는 재판이 진행중이라는 증거일 뿐, 피해 사실을 입증하는 증거가 아니다. 일반 그냥 곽혈수가 했던말들과 횡보만 재판자료로 제출하면. 이 사건의 범인 이중구가 성폭행한 것으로 확인된 피해자는 무려 184명이지만 read more. 곽혈수는 이 사건이 실제이며 법적 절차가 진행 중이라는 것을 공식적으로 밝히며, 더 이상의 의심은 멈춰달라는 호소를 전했습니다. 로스 트랄랄레리토스 여자

로벅 스 무료로 주는 사이트 링크 사건의 진실과는 별개로 곽혈수가 이기는건 거의 정해져있음. 재판후기 ㄱㄱ 곽혈수유튜버 마이너 갤러리. 국민참여재판 가면 절반이 무죄 기사 곽혈수유튜버 마이너. 그렇게 따졌으면 오랫동안 잡지 못했던 연쇄살인범, 연쇄강간범들 그냥 의심만으로 다 잡아쳐넣겠지. Tiktok에서 곽튜브 외교관 관련 동영상을 찾아보세요. 린지리 배우

리유강 근황 신태일 미성년자 성착취물 제작유포 사건 r305 판. Hours ago — 곽혈수유튜버 유리님 후기만 보면 이거 무죄가능성도 있겠던데. 피해자가 재판에 나오는게 유리함 곽혈수유튜버 마이너. 택시기사가 전에 비슷한 전과가 있다는건데 이건 여론몰이에는 도움이 될지는 몰라도 사실상 재판가면 몇범을 했더라도 증거가 없으면 유죄를 받기 어려움. 왕 떴잖긔이번엔 날짜까지 박고 금요일에 만나요 ㅇㅈㄹ하길래혹시나 해서 이것저것 찾아보다가좌비씨 전기차 그림 떠올라서 기사 찾아봤긔그러다 좀 걸리는 기사 찾았는데어거지긴 하지만 1.

린디 유튜버 왕 떴잖긔이번엔 날짜까지 박고 금요일에 만나요 ㅇㅈㄹ하길래혹시나 해서 이것저것 찾아보다가좌비씨 전기차 그림 떠올라서 기사 찾아봤긔그러다 좀 걸리는 기사 찾았는데어거지긴 하지만 1. 저번 재판이 마치 1심에서 지가 이긴거처럼 얘기하는데 그게 아니고 원래 절차상 재판을 여러번 함. 그렇게 따졌으면 오랫동안 잡지 못했던 연쇄살인범, 연쇄강간범들 그냥 의심만으로 다 잡아쳐넣겠지. 혈수 예상대로 그냥 재판 개발렸네ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 곽혈수유튜버. 의문을 제기하는 측에서는 과거의 모순되는 발언들을 근거로 곽혈수.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.