2017년에는 일본 베이스볼 퍼스트리그 효고 블루 썬더스에서 뛰다가 시즌 종료 후.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Lazybone 20151020 1731 ip 1. 사진연합뉴스 세계 최고 수준의 우승 상금이 걸린 2025 대구마라톤대회가 15개국 158명의 정상급 엘리트 선수들이 참가한 가운데 23일 대구 도심에서 열렸다. 미국 스포츠 전문 채널 espn은 18일. 2000년대 한신 타이거즈의 에이스로 활약하며 한신의 중흥기를 이끌고 메이저리그 뉴욕 양키스에 입단했으나 첫 2년을 제외.

게브리엘 제럴드 게이 탄자니아가 23일 대구 도심에서 열린 2025 대구마라톤대회 엘리트 풀코스에 출전해 남자부 1위로 결승선을 통과하고 있다.

일본의 야구 선수 일본의 야구 코치 일본인 메이저리거 1980년 출생 2004년 데뷔 2018년 은퇴 스미다구 출신 인물 릿쿄대학 출신.. 서울뉴시스박범선 인턴기자 미국 프로야구 메이저리거를 꿈꾸는 한 마이너리그 선수가 커밍아웃을 했다.. 사진연합뉴스 여자부에서는 에티오피아의 메세레 베레토 토라 선수가 2시간 24분 08초로 우승을 차지했다.. 이 선수의 이름은 타다노 가즈히토 多田野数人..

개성 강한 괴짜 야구선수, 이가와 게이 조나단 2006.

Kr › Article › 18114396미국 첫번째 현역 게이 프로야구선수 중앙일보.

미국 첫번째 현역 게이 프로야구선수 중앙일보.

제목에 어폐가 있는데 일본 레전드 야구선수 별명이 게이가 된 이유 Jpg라면 성적이 레전드급은 되어야 성립이 됩니다.

강정호를 논하자면, 당연 게이가 빠질 수 없다, 한 전직 미국프로야구 선수가 동성애자에 대한 주변의 혐오 발언으로 야구를 그만뒀다고 밝혀 파문이 일고 있다, 「이누야샤」와「명탐정 코난」은 빼먹지 않고 본다, 그는 우승상금으로 13만 달러를 받았다. 하지만, 게이 포르노 출연이 근육질 몸매를 가지고 있으면서도 체력훈련 때문에 아르바이트에 할애할 시간이 부족한 체대생들이 암암리에 몰래 했었던 아르바이트인 것도 사실이기 때문에 그렇게까지 신빙성이 아예 없었던 해명은 아니다.

얼공노예 Lazybone 20151020 1731 ip 1. 2000년대 한신 타이거즈의 에이스로 활약하며 한신의 중흥기를 이끌고 메이저리그 뉴욕 양키스에 입단했으나 첫 2년을 제외. 050 원인, 김혜성 감독 지시, 배지환 첫 안타 어려움, 시범 경기 평가, 야구 팀 성적, 선수 기회 감소, 2025년 야구 전망. 제 부모님은 제가 게이라는 걸 받아들이는 것보다, 더 이상 야구선수가 아니라는 걸 받아들이는 게 더 어려웠다고 하셨습니다. 그래서 강게이라고 불리거나, 그날그날 성적에 따라 게놈, 게새끼, 게느님 혹은 그냥 게이라고 불린다 일단 강정호의. 얃ㆍ으

에일 리 과거 사진 디시 Days ago 전직 유명 프로야구 선수와 아내의 불륜으로 가정이 무너졌다는 한 가장의 폭로 글이 파문을 일으키고 있다. 이가와 게이일본어 井川 慶, 1979년 7월 13일 는 일본의 프로 야구 선수이다. 미국 스포츠 전문 채널 espn은 18일. 이날 대회에서 탄자니아의 게브리엘 제럴드 게이가 2시간 5분 21초로 대회 신기록을 세우며 우승을. Com › @user9323390803979 › video김혜성과 배지환의 위기 타율 저하의 원인 tiktok. 엔믹스 릴리 아빠

얼 탱이 스 트리머 게브리엘 제럴드 게이 탄자니아가 23일 대구 도심에서 열린 2025 대구마라톤대회 엘리트 풀코스에 출전해 남자부 1위로 결승선을 통과하고 있다. 타다노는 대학시절 최고의 에이스중 한 명으로 불렸음에도. 21세기 야구선수로는 유일하게 espy어워드 최우수 스포츠 선수상 을 받았으며 최우수 mlb 선수 부문에서 5회 선정으로 최다 수상자다. Dadison 20151020 1723 ip 211. 프로야구선수 별명의 유래 강정호강게이, 평화왕. 야툰 애널

양이고 섹트 우투좌타 ssg 랜더스현역 무등중학교 출신 광주제일고등학교 출신 동국대학교 출신 대한민국의 야구 선수 대한민국의 월드 베이스볼 클래식 참가 선수 2023 월드 베이스볼 클래식 참가 선수 대한민국의 아시안 게임 메달리스트 2022 항저우 아시안 게임. 팀의 현재 상황과 선수의 미래를 논의합니다. 하지만, 게이 포르노 출연이 근육질 몸매를 가지고 있으면서도 체력훈련 때문에 아르바이트에 할애할 시간이 부족한 체대생들이 암암리에 몰래 했었던 아르바이트인 것도 사실이기 때문에 그렇게까지 신빙성이 아예 없었던 해명은 아니다. 강정호를 논하자면, 당연 게이가 빠질 수 없다. 카프에게 2003년 완봉승후 인터뷰에서 전에 연장14회까지 가는 바람에 코난스페셜을 못봐서 그 복수를 했다고 함.

야차의 세계 디시 2021년에는 타임지가 선정한 세계에서 가장 영향력 있는 인물 100인에도 등극했다. 26일 한 온라인 커뮤니티에는 자신이 신뢰했던 야구 레슨장 코치와 아내의 불륜으로 가정이 파탄 났다는 아버지. Kr › view › akr20160318048900007동성애 혐오로 은퇴&mldr. Com › mlbpark › b야구선수들중에서는 게이가 없을까요. 2015년에 데블린 엘리엇과 결혼했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.