Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그럼 요즘 접하는 개복치 뜻은 뭘까요. 몸의 크기가 매우 크고 납작하고 넓으며 배지느러미가 없고 눈과 아가미가 작으며 등지느러미와 꼬리지느러미가. 개복치는 실제로 작은이유로 죽기도 하나요. 14년 겨울, 모바일 게임 ‘살아남아라.

조유리 레깅스

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게임 내용은 간단히 말하자면 먹이를 먹이고 모험을 떠나서 개복치 의 체중을 불리는 게임이다, 윤호석의 내역에서 trm 제일병원 내용이 기재되어 있어, 첫 편인 임상시험 대상자 모집과 큰 관련이 있는 것으로 보인다. Io › questions › 405b624f705dc60293e8d83a2개복치가 자기얼굴 보면 놀래서 죽는다는 말이 있는데 사실인가요. 개복치는 해양 생물인 개복치 mola mola를 가리키는 말이에요. 하찮은 이유로 죽음을 맞이하는 개복치처럼 나는 유리멘탈을 가졌지만, 그럼에도 나는 나를 어르고 달래면서라도 살아남아야 한다.

정원규 생일

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먼저 사전적으로 봤을 때, 개복치는 바다에 사는 물고기입니다. 개복치 껍질은 새하얀 묵이나 두부마냥 생겼다. 한때 라는 게임으로 유명해진 해양생물입니다. 게임 속 개복치는 ‘아침 햇살이 강렬해서 사망’, ‘바닷 속 공기방울이 눈에 들어가서 스트레스로 사망’, ‘근처에 있던 동료가 사망한 것에, 먼저 사전적으로 봤을 때, 개복치는 바다에 사는 물고기입니다.

인생영화 리뷰 10 조디악zodiac, 2007. 수탉288k views 충격주의 실험시간 5시간 ㄷㄷ 개복치는 왜 머리만 있을까, 개복치 때문인지 이미 한국에서의 개복치는 별의별 이유로 돌연사하는 유리멘탈의 물고기라는 인식으로 자리 잡아왔다. 개복치는 실제로 작은이유로 죽기도 하나요, 보통 얘기하다보면 멘탈이 약한사람한테 개복치 라고 부르는데 개복치가 거울에 비추어진 자기모습을 보면 죽는다고 하는데 사실인가요.

제 민경 클럽 디시

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제 민경 팬 트리 후기 디시 30 0210 강성연, 도도한 눈빛2. 개복치뜻 유래 및 이미지 와 해양괴물 개복치 네이버 블로그 건강 130개의 글 목록열기. 개복치 전용 수조 크기가 크지 않고, 개복치 자체가 인기도 없고, 개복치를 5년 키운건 이례적인 일이기도 하다. 인생영화 리뷰 10 조디악zodiac, 2007. 개복치는 최대 몸길이 4m, 최대 몸무게 2톤에 달하는 물고기로 영어 이름은 선 피쉬 sun fish로 몸은 타원형으로 옆으로 납작하고 눈과 입. 정다별이 야동

절검단 위험도 7 링크 실제로는 개복치가 그렇게 잘 죽는 어종이 아니라고는 하지만 모바일 게임 살아남아라. 몸길이가 3m, 무게는 최대 2톤에 달하는 세계에서 가장 무거운 뼈 없는 물고기 중 하나이며, 생김새가 둥글고 납작해 마치 ‘몸통만 있는 물고기’처럼 보입니다. 119k 충격주의 실험시간 5시간 ㄷㄷ 개복치는 왜 머리만 있을까. 한때 라는 게임으로 유명해진 해양생물입니다. 기미티 데드 바이 데이라이트 3 덫 살인마 개복치 피노키오 넬롱 성감대원 dead by daylight. 젠존제 벨 디시

정액변기 와이프 친구들이랑 학교에서 했던 기억이 나서 다시 설치해보았다. 몸길이가 3m, 무게는 최대 2톤에 달하는 세계에서 가장 무거운 뼈 없는 물고기 중 하나이며, 생김새가 둥글고 납작해 마치 ‘몸통만 있는 물고기’처럼 보입니다. 보통 얘기하다보면 멘탈이 약한사람한테 개복치 라고 부르는데 개복치가 거울에 비추어진 자기모습을 보면 죽는다고 하는데 사실인가요. 사소한 일에도 쉽게 상처받고, 스트레스를 잘 못 견디며, 마음이 쉽게 무너지는 성향을 말하죠. 멘탈 붕괴의 줄임말인 멘붕이 일상어처럼 쓰이더니 멘탈이란 단어가 시리즈처럼 줄줄이 나와 이제는 넓은 계층에서 통용되고 있다. 조개자국

제민경 사진 베리드 스타즈 트루엔딩, 실망스럽다 스포일러. 먹이를 먹이고 모험을 떠나며 개복치 의 체중을 불리는 게임이다. 실제로는 개복치가 그렇게 잘 죽는 어종이 아니라고는 하지만 모바일 게임 살아남아라. 개복치 mola mola는 복어목 개복치과 에 속하는 바닷물고기다. 기미티 데드 바이 데이라이트 3 덫 살인마 개복치 피노키오 넬롱 성감대원 dead by daylight.

정조대 썰 Com › 201개복치, 왜 이렇게 쉽게 죽는 걸까. 모라라 그거 새로운 살인마 그거 chzzk. 개복치 온라인 게임이 유명해지면서 온라인 커뮤니티 게시판에 개복치 특징이라는 제목으로 게시글이 게재됐다. Kr › site › main개복치, 정말 삐끗해도 죽을까. 신은 그래도 완전히 뒈지는 건 아니라며 위로했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.