Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

20이후 적용 자세한사항은 공지확인하시라예 출처 2007 대선갤러리ㅠㅠㅠㅠ존머슈ㅠㅠㅠㅠㅠ자켓벗는거 섹시해ㅠㅠㅠㅠ하늘이 힙업된거봐바 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ쩌러 ㅠㅠㅠ다리도 짱 길어 ㅋㅋㅋ. 19 0731 강하늘 레전드 연예인병 썰. Eng 강하늘 연기대상 댓글모음🔥 아침마당 kbs 191231 딩가딩가 스튜디오 dgdg studio 4. 감상하면서 즐거움이 배가되는 순간들을 놓치지 마세요.

귀칼 야짤 디시

그록 비디오가 검토됨

Com › kokr › news강하늘 레전드 미담 추가요그럴수 있죠 뭐길래라스, 솔직히 강하늘, 요즘 대한민국에서 제일 잘 나가는 배우 중 하나죠, ☑️ 강하늘 키 나이 mbti 프로필 본명 김하늘 출생 1990년 2월 21일 32세 부산직할시 現 부산광역시 국적 대한민국 신체 181cm, 67kg, b형 가족 부모, 남동생 김우람 mbti infp 학력 서울국악예술고등학교 음악연극과 졸업 중앙대학교 예술대학 공연영상창작학부 연극전공 재학 종교 무종교 병역. 1,591 likes slowskyk.

그렇게 2016년 2월 17일에 개봉한 이준익 감독의 영화 〈동주〉에 강하늘 과 함께 주연으로 참여했다, 실제로 미니홈피 에 업로드한 뮤지컬연극 홍보 포스터 사진을 보면, 배우 강하늘이라고 적힌 부분에서 배우 부분을 본인이 직접 지워놨다. 본인 은 아직 연기를 배우는 학생에 불과하며, 스스로 배우 강하늘이라고 당당하게 소개하는 것이 꿈이라고 한다, 한눈에 보는 오늘 방송가요 뉴스 강하늘이 과거사진 공개와 인기 언급에 민망해했다.

그는 키 181cm에 혈액형 b형으로, 가족으로는 부모님과 남동생이 있습니다.. 본명은 김하늘이며, 부산 출신으로 알려져 있습니다..

겨울 방학에 몰아보기 좋은 드라마,영화 모음 ⋅₊˚✮ ◽️오늘 밤, 세계에서 이 사랑이 사라진다 해도 ◽️중쇄를 찍자 ◽️나는 내일, 어제의 너와 만난다read more, 강하늘은 대한민국을 대표하는 배우로, 탁월한 연기력과 다채로운 캐릭터 소화력을 통해 대중의 사랑을 받고 있습니다, 연기를 잘하는 건 기본이고, 특유의 진정성과 친근함이 매력적인 배우예요, 배우 강하늘의 프로필과 필모그래피를 소개하며, 본명, 나이, 학력, mbti, 영화 및 드라마 출연작품 등의 정보를 제공합니다, 《예능썰》 미담 보따리 강하늘 순순했던 첫키스 레전드 썰 feat.

Com › reel › dhdy8unsqzr@smile_kkkhaha 잠실에 나타나서 기억 조작하고 간 강하늘ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 이게. 《예능썰》 미담 보따리 강하늘 순순했던 첫키스 레전드 썰 feat. 강하늘은 대한민국을 대표하는 배우로, 탁월한 연기력과 다채로운 캐릭터 소화력을 통해 대중의 사랑을 받고 있습니다, 겨울 방학에 몰아보기 좋은 드라마,영화 모음 ⋅₊˚✮ ◽️오늘 밤, 세계에서 이 사랑이 사라진다 해도 ◽️중쇄를 찍자 ◽️나는 내일, 어제의 너와 만난다read more. 강하늘 남친짤 사진 찾기 역대급으로 힘들 네이버 블로그, 그렇게 2016년 2월 17일에 개봉한 이준익 감독의 영화 〈동주〉에 강하늘 과 함께 주연으로 참여했다.

어릴 적 어머니의 한마디, 차인표처럼 크거라그 말대로 성장한 강하늘, 이번엔 마약 브로커로 변신, 《예능썰》 미담 보따리 강하늘 순순했던 첫키스. 10월 15일 방송된 sbs ‘미운 우리 새끼’에서는 배우 강하늘이 학창시절 과거사진을 공개했다, 강하늘 닮은꼴에 하동균 콘서트 스타까지너목보7 첫방부터 레전드 종합 osen박소영 기자 배우 박중훈이 엠넷 너목보7너의 목소리가 보여7 시즌 첫 게스트로 출격한 가운데 역대급 똥손을 자랑했다. 오는 15일 방송되는 mbc 라디오스타 기획 강영선 연출 황윤상, 변다희에는 강하늘, 김영광, 강영석, 강지영이 함께하는 흥행 루팡 특집이, 골격 존잘 잡담 강하늘 이 짤 예전에 레전드 짤 느낌남.

금화 남자 사진

10월 15일 방송된 sbs ‘미운 우리 새끼’에서는 배우 강하늘이 학창시절 과거사진을 공개했다.. 사진 찾기 역대급으로 힘들었다 안녕하세요 여러분.. 강하늘 인스타그램 바로가기 강하늘의 프로필강하늘은 1990년 2월 21일 부산에서 태어났으며..

그의 진정성 있는 행보는 앞으로도 대중의 마음을 사로잡을 것입니다, 그의 연기 내공은 깊은 감정 연기부터 코믹한 역할까지 폭넓은 스펙트럼을 자랑하며, 매 작품마다 인상적인 캐릭터를 만들어. 어릴 적 어머니의 한마디, 차인표처럼 크거라그 말대로 성장한 강하늘, 이번엔 마약 브로커로 변신. 강하늘 며칠전에 대학로 고기집에서 친구들이랑 고기먹고있던데, 겨울 방학에 몰아보기 좋은 드라마,영화 모음 ⋅₊˚✮ ◽️오늘 밤, 세계에서 이 사랑이 사라진다 해도 ◽️중쇄를 찍자 ◽️나는 내일, 어제의 너와 만난다read more. Art_magazine on febru 강하늘 레전드 사진 2.

이번 글에서는 강하늘의 프로필, 오징어게임 2에서의 역할, 그리고 캐스팅 배경에 대해. 강하늘 며칠전에 대학로 고기집에서 친구들이랑 고기먹고있던데, 미담 자판기 강하늘의 ㄹㅈㄷ 연예인병ㅋㅋㅋ 라디오스타, 솔직히 강하늘, 요즘 대한민국에서 제일 잘 나가는 배우 중 하나죠.

하지만 실패해도 듀엣 무대는 감동 그 자체였다. 신동엽은 강하늘에게 학창시절부터 잘 생겨 학교를 뒤집을 정도로 인기가 많았다고. 신동엽은 강하늘에게 학창시절부터 잘 생겨 학교를 뒤집을 정도로 인기가 많았다고, 실제로 미니홈피 에 업로드한 뮤지컬연극 홍보 포스터 사진을 보면, 배우 강하늘이라고 적힌 부분에서 배우 부분을 본인이 직접 지워놨다. 포텐 터짐 최신순 유머움짤이슈 움짤 2025, 화보장인 둘이 만나면 레전드를 찍습니다.

배우 강하늘 프로필 강하늘은 1990년 2월 21일에 태어나 2024년 기준 만 34세입니다. 강하늘 출연작미래의 국민 배우를 꿈꾸는 강하늘kang haneul은 다양한 장르에서 뛰어난 연기력을 선보이며 한국 영화와 드라마계에서 독보적인 위치를 차지한 배우입니다. 엔팁언니 껌딱지 물먕두 @txt_iloveyoualways_0304 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 소희님템플릿 개인적으로 레전드로 미친 캐스팅 이었던 달의 연인 달의연인_보보경심_려 달의연인 템플릿 이준기 이지은 강하늘 홍종현 남주혁 백현 추천 fyp 레전드레전드.

금빛의 냉소 좋아요 446개,ksky @_hxnev14 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 강하늘의 다양한 레전드 짤을 모았습니다. 역시나 영리하게 연기하고, 튀지 않게 매력을 어필한다. 《예능썰》 미담 보따리 강하늘 순순했던 첫키스 레전드. 엔팁언니 껌딱지 물먕두 @txt_iloveyoualways_0304 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 소희님템플릿 개인적으로 레전드로 미친 캐스팅 이었던 달의 연인 달의연인_보보경심_려 달의연인 템플릿 이준기 이지은 강하늘 홍종현 남주혁 백현 추천 fyp 레전드레전드. Com › @_hxnev14 › video강하늘의 레전드 짤 모음집 tiktok. 귀칼 미츠리 온천

금화 골반 디시 본명은 김하늘이며, 부산 출신으로 알려져 있습니다. Com › reel › dhdy8unsqzr@smile_kkkhaha 잠실에 나타나서 기억 조작하고 간 강하늘ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 이게. 겨울 방학에 몰아보기 좋은 드라마,영화 모음 ⋅₊˚✮ ◽️오늘 밤, 세계에서 이 사랑이 사라진다 해도 ◽️중쇄를 찍자 ◽️나는 내일, 어제의 너와 만난다read more. 골격 존잘 잡담 강하늘 이 짤 예전에 레전드 짤 느낌남. 감추던 한효주, 데뷔 20년만에 파격적인. 그록 야스 프롬프트

금화 남친 촬영장 막내 스태프들에게 용돈을 주는 미담이 화제가 될 정도로 따뜻한 성품을 지녔습니다. 박서준 라디오스타 tvpp mbc 170802 방송. Mp4 $upreme 조회 수 193799 추천 수 325 댓글 108 s. 역시나 영리하게 연기하고, 튀지 않게 매력을 어필한다. 20이후 적용 자세한사항은 공지확인하시라예 출처 2007 대선갤러리ㅠㅠㅠㅠ존머슈ㅠㅠㅠㅠㅠ자켓벗는거 섹시해ㅠㅠㅠㅠ하늘이 힙업된거봐바 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ쩌러 ㅠㅠㅠ다리도 짱 길어 ㅋㅋㅋ. 귀칼

규현 키 디시 배우 강하늘이 코믹한 얼굴로 돌아온다. 평소 청소를 꾸준히 하며, 먼지 쌓이는 것을 싫어해 자주 물청소를 합니다. 본명은 김하늘이며, 부산 출신으로 알려져 있습니다. 강하늘 며칠전에 대학로 고기집에서 친구들이랑 고기먹고있던데. 1,591 likes slowskyk.

글로리 홀 야동 그는 키 181cm에 혈액형 b형으로, 가족으로는 부모님과 남동생이 있습니다. Com › @_hxnev14 › video그때 그 시절 달의연인 fyp 추천 달의연인 감성 tiktok. Com › watch배우 강하늘 알고보니 레전드 레전드배우 영화야당 강하늘 youtu. 역시나 영리하게 연기하고, 튀지 않게 매력을 어필한다. 어릴 적 어머니의 한마디, 차인표처럼 크거라그 말대로 성장한 강하늘, 이번엔 마약 브로커로 변신.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.