과거에는 장교들부사관들병사들이 얼이 나간 이때.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

물론 이 상황은 1분 정도면 사라지지만, 그때부터는 얼굴가죽이 벗겨지는 쓰라림이 대신한다. 나 먹토 3년 했었어서 얼굴형만 봐도 구분 가능한데 진짜 딱 보기. 青 鬼 aooni 청귀 아오오니 시리즈 에서 등장하는 식인 괴물. 1 2024년 12월 15일기준 2 2024년 12월 15일 기준 3 q&a영상에서 언급한 후보들 까까, 까꿍, 까망이, 까랑이, 까식이, 까나리액젓, 까와이, 까육, 까불이, 까룽이, 까둥이 4 가끔씩 까바라는 엔딩 멘트를 사용한다.

Kor_bolt 코볼트

38 이상형은 말차를 좋아하고 39 항상 자기일을 열심히 하는 사람이라고 한다.. 초롱초롱 사슴 같은 눈으로 맛있는 디저트들을 듬뿍 떠서 먹는데 굉장히 사랑스럽다.. Com › @gaoni6979가오니의 메뉴판gaoni youtube.. 아프리카tv에서 활동하는 bj 냠냠짱짱이 인터넷 생방송 도중 동료 bj를 폭행해 경찰에 붙잡혔습니다, 아헤가오 얼굴을 향해 포크를 휘둘러 다치게 한 20대 여성이..

10대 이야기 룩북 영상 보는데 댓글에 다들 예쁜 체형이다 너무 예쁘게 살쪘다 등등 칭찬 오지게 해대서 당황스러움 진짜 흔한 통통한 몸중하나인거같은데 그정도인가. 니눈깔로 남들 눈깔이 내얼굴을 본다해서 뭐가 바뀌냐. 36k followers, 14 following, 17 posts 아오니 @aonioni_ on instagram 안녕하시와요😊. 과거에는 장교들부사관들병사들이 얼이 나간 이때. 초롱초롱 사슴 같은 눈으로 맛있는 디저트들을 듬뿍 떠서 먹는데 굉장히 사랑스럽다. 이년 먹는거보면 무슨 만칼챌 밥먹듯이하고 먹는양도 뒤지게많고 먹는것도 살찌는 배달음식에 정제탄수화물 덩어리던데 얘 아는년있음.

Photo by 가오니의 메뉴판 on octo. Com › gga_oni까오니 @gga_oni instagram photos and videos, 지금 임신 중이신데 그래도 꾸준히 영상을 올리고 계신다. Photo by 가오니의 메뉴판 on octo. Com › talk › 372901781아니 가오니 영상보는데 너무 당황스러움 네이트 판. 내 동생이 가오니보다 더 통통한데 저 양 못먹어 dc app.

카메라 저 각도 그대로 니 몸 찍어봐 저 달라붙는 레깅스팬츠. 작중의 낡은 저택의 어디선가 갑자기 나, 대부분 혜안져스 멤버와 마찬가지로 얼굴 공개는 하지 않았으며, qna에서도 아직은 부끄러워 얼공 생각이 없다고 밝혔다, Com › gga_oni까오니 @gga_oni instagram photos and videos.

💖 인스타에서 뭐할지 투표했는데 역시 압도적인 q&a 😆 옛날에 큐엔에이 했다가 너무 어설퍼서 삭제해버린 후에. 가오니의메뉴판, 가오니의 메뉴판 얼굴, 가오니 메뉴판 얼굴, 가오니의 메뉴판, 가오니 춘그니 송혀니 얼굴 디시. 25살인데 유튜브도 꾸준히 운영하면서 취업했다는게 진짜 갓생 ㄹㅈㄷ야 저번에 대충 언급했던 거로는 성적도 좋은 거 같던데유튜브 운영하면서 운동도 하고 학점도 챙기고나랑 동갑인데 진짜 대단한 거 같아.

Kuroinu_ Kedakaki Seijo Wa Hakudaku Ni Somaru

5 자신만의 채널을 만들고 싶어서 까오니 채널을 만들었다고 한다. 진짜 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 귀여워진짜 음식에 진심이셔 짹짹이가 먹는것같어, 青 鬼 aooni 청귀 아오오니 시리즈 에서 등장하는 식인 괴물.

니가 혼자 드러운 생각하고 있던 거 아니냐. Com › talk › 372901781아니 가오니 영상보는데 너무 당황스러움 네이트 판. 36k followers, 14 following, 17 posts 아오니 @aonioni_ on instagram 안녕하시와요😊. 1 2024년 12월 15일기준 2 2024년 12월 15일 기준 3 q&a영상에서 언급한 후보들 까까, 까꿍, 까망이, 까랑이, 까식이, 까나리액젓, 까와이, 까육, 까불이, 까룽이, 까둥이 4 가끔씩 까바라는 엔딩 멘트를 사용한다.

니가 혼자 드러운 생각하고 있던 거 아니냐, 나 먹토 3년 했었어서 얼굴형만 봐도 구분 가능한데 진짜 딱 보기. 전에는 그냥 맛있게 잘먹는 정도였고 별생각. 지금 임신 중이신데 그래도 꾸준히 영상을 올리고 계신다. 모여봐요 동물의 숲 유튜버 아오니에 대한 이야기를 나누는 갤러리 아오니 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 앞선 두 유튜버에 비해 늦게 알게된 유튜버.

Lexi Luna 자막

10대 이야기 룩북 영상 보는데 댓글에 다들 예쁜 체형이다 너무 예쁘게 살쪘다 등등 칭찬 오지게 해대서 당황스러움 진짜 흔한 통통한 몸중하나인거같은데 그정도인가. 5 자신만의 채널을 만들고 싶어서 까오니 채널을 만들었다고 한다. 모여봐요 동물의 숲 유튜버 아오니에 대한 이야기를 나누는 갤러리 아오니 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 과거에는 장교들부사관들병사들이 얼이 나간 이때. 이제 왼쪽의 포켓몬 아이콘을 드래그해서 오른쪽 박스로 옮기면 니 박스에 이제 팬텀이 들어간 디시 트렌드 1000, 세상에 드디어 10만구독자를 달성했네요 ️ 처음 유튜브 시작할때는 정말 10만명이 뭐야.

korean404 38 이상형은 말차를 좋아하고 39 항상 자기일을 열심히 하는 사람이라고 한다. 💖 인스타에서 뭐할지 투표했는데 역시 압도적인 q&a 😆 옛날에 큐엔에이 했다가 너무 어설퍼서 삭제해버린 후에. Photo by 가오니의 메뉴판 on octo. 지금 임신 중이신데 그래도 꾸준히 영상을 올리고 계신다. 활동정보 간식디저트 26개의 글 목록열기. korean bj 솜먼지

korean likey leaked 나 먹토 3년 했었어서 얼굴형만 봐도 구분 가능한데 진짜 딱 보기. 전에는 그냥 맛있게 잘먹는 정도였고 별생각. Photo by 가오니의 메뉴판 on octo. 물론 이 상황은 1분 정도면 사라지지만, 그때부터는 얼굴가죽이 벗겨지는 쓰라림이 대신한다. 헬스로 전향해도 절대 못버리는 운동 2가지 ㅇㅇ 116. kuzu_v0 레전드

kunaboto 가오니의 메뉴판 채널은 본지 한달 정도. 💖 인스타에서 뭐할지 투표했는데 역시 압도적인 q&a 😆 옛날에 큐엔에이 했다가 너무 어설퍼서 삭제해버린 후에. 네네 맞아요 드디어 드디어 드디어 미루고 미루다가 엄망이 아빵이랑 머리 올리고왔습미다. 세상에 드디어 10만구독자를 달성했네요 ️ 처음 유튜브 시작할때는 정말 10만명이 뭐야. 💖 인스타에서 뭐할지 투표했는데 역시 압도적인 q&a 😆 옛날에 큐엔에이 했다가 너무 어설퍼서 삭제해버린 후에. korean_yr

kuzu 크기 니눈깔로 남들 눈깔이 내얼굴을 본다해서 뭐가 바뀌냐. 38 이상형은 말차를 좋아하고 39 항상 자기일을 열심히 하는 사람이라고 한다. 물론 이 상황은 1분 정도면 사라지지만, 그때부터는 얼굴가죽이 벗겨지는 쓰라림이 대신한다. 과거에는 장교들부사관들병사들이 얼이 나간 이때. 활동정보 간식디저트 26개의 글 목록열기.

kuzu 193 Com › gga_oni까오니 @gga_oni instagram photos and videos. 대부분 혜안져스 멤버와 마찬가지로 얼굴 공개는 하지 않았으며, qna에서도 아직은 부끄러워 얼공 생각이 없다고 밝혔다. 나 먹토 3년 했었어서 얼굴형만 봐도 구분 가능한데 진짜 딱 보기. 진짜 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 귀여워진짜 음식에 진심이셔 짹짹이가 먹는것같어. 💖 인스타에서 뭐할지 투표했는데 역시 압도적인 q&a 😆 옛날에 큐엔에이 했다가 너무 어설퍼서 삭제해버린 후에.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.