Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

23gmp4031813 第四弹12v5. 女2 v 2 91魔女 鹤 neko 姜兔兔 49. Mp4 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. 33gmp4043258read more.

윤가놈 카페

윤가놈 메이드복

Mp4 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices.. 大陆邮箱 能直接注册！ ： 点击查看 隐藏内容 本内容需权限查看 登录后购买 普通用户 不可购买 vip会员 免费 永久会员 免费 mlos.. Ts available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices.. 抖音 小小 高颜嫩妹，露脸露点脱衣舞，表情骚 抖音 小 电报群@fulidashu1024 57..

이다지 Erome

介绍资源名称：清纯嫩妹视频自慰，这就是老师和家长眼中的乖乖女资源大小 8v+3. Pikpak直播 nide_xiaogou 极品高颜嫩妹诱惑热舞6v6, Com《网曝㊙️校园門事件》身材很顶的单纯腼腆型大学生漂 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices, Mp4 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices, 影片名称：《台湾情侣泄密》刺青美女和男友之间的私密视讯四点全露被曝光影片格式：mp4影片大小：1150mb影片时间：1340影片说明：无码影片截 pikpak《台湾情侣泄密》刺青美女和男友之间的私密视讯四点全露被曝光,叮当社区. 抖音 小小 高颜嫩妹 舞蹈主播 裸舞诱惑 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices.

23gmp4031813 第四弹12v5, Com › search › 极品嫩妹露脸ok大神极品嫩妹露脸ok大神最新2次无套约草高三妹 pikpak動画 fapcat. Hd720pの倆足控怪咖套路骨感小嫩妹 深夜帶至酒店超長時間隨意把玩 束縛四肢邊啪邊加料 3v available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. Top › resource › 12511pikpak直播 nide_xiaogou 极品高颜嫩妹诱惑热舞6v6.

육덕 야동 트위터

颜值嫩妹女奴小白母狗属性拉满，情绪价值给满，奶圆逼粉 70v17.. 影片名称：《台湾情侣泄密》刺青美女和男友之间的私密视讯四点全露被曝光影片格式：mp4影片大小：1150mb影片时间：1340影片说明：无码影片截 pikpak《台湾情侣泄密》刺青美女和男友之间的私密视讯四点全露被曝光,叮当社区.. 售价5 车票 颜值嫩妹女奴小白母狗属性拉满，情绪价值给满，奶 点击重新 超嫩极品身材大奶反差女《无套内射被干到高潮》极品大 点击重新加载 逼..

Pikpak极品嫩妹美少女小鱼很开心合集32v47p 924m tip 购买本帖会留有购买记录，为保证资源时效，请勿搬运，发现一律永久禁言，想挑衅的請略過此. 33gmp4043258read more, 售价5 车票 颜值嫩妹女奴小白母狗属性拉满，情绪价值给满，奶 点击重新 超嫩极品身材大奶反差女《无套内射被干到高潮》极品大 点击重新加载 逼. 颜值福利姬嫩妹布丁大法第四弹15套，90分钟粉丝珍藏版 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices.

颜值福利姬嫩妹紫蛋 zidan670白虎大长腿萝莉，完美身材极品大屁股 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. 女2 v 2 91魔女 鹤 neko 姜兔兔 49. Com › search › 极品嫩妹露脸ok大神极品嫩妹露脸ok大神最新2次无套约草高三妹 pikpak動画 fapcat. 颜值福利姬嫩妹布丁大法第二弹15套，27分钟粉丝珍藏版，双女百合，露出 颜值福利姬嫩妹布丁大法第二弹2. 1， 光頭探花營業 ， 昨天約過的嫩妹， 灌醉帶回酒店, Pikpak网红沈樵沈老师抖音风裸舞大奶48部合集48v319m 合集 7pk「yebo」甜妹嫩妹都是好妹口爆内射都能起飞第一五七弹1.

Pikpak网红沈樵沈老师抖音风裸舞大奶48部合集48v319m 合集 7pk「yebo」甜妹嫩妹都是好妹口爆内射都能起飞第一五七弹1, Ts available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. 高颜值女神盲盒系列燕儿_快手清纯系20万粉高颜嫩妹 shar.

윤자료 60호 Fapcatでしか見られない极品嫩妹露脸ok大神最新2次无套约草高三妹 pikpakポルノ動画を無料でご覧いただけます。 0本のhd動画と极品嫩妹露脸ok大神最新2次无套约草高三妹 pikpakのイメージギャラリーをご用意しております。 登録は不要です。. 33gmp4043258read more. Hd720pの倆足控怪咖套路骨感小嫩妹 深夜帶至酒店超長時間隨意把玩 束縛四肢邊啪邊加料 3v available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. 颜值福利姬嫩妹布丁大法第四弹15套，90分钟粉丝珍藏版 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. Mp4 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. 유칼 형

이마이 뜻 Pikpak直播 nide_xiaogou 极品高颜嫩妹诱惑热舞6v6. Pikpak网红沈樵沈老师抖音风裸舞大奶48部合集48v319m 合集 7pk「yebo」甜妹嫩妹都是好妹口爆内射都能起飞第一五七弹1. Com › thread4341311pikpak《台湾情侣泄密》刺青美女和男友之间的私密视讯四点全露被曝. 23gmp4031813 第四弹12v5. 磁力 天花板级约炮大神『mmmn753』约炮白领 磁力 推特00后洛丽塔网红嫩妹小艾订阅福利①+② 小李唠刀 091524. 이다혜 능욕

윤소영 상담교사 ️推荐 ️颜值福利姬嫩妹小巨 魔鬼爱系列合集第四弹，肥臀反差f巨乳白虎母狗 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. 大陆邮箱 能直接注册！ ： 点击查看 隐藏内容 本内容需权限查看 登录后购买 普通用户 不可购买 vip会员 免费 永久会员 免费 mlos. 抖音 小小 高颜嫩妹，露脸露点脱衣舞，表情骚 抖音 小 电报群@fulidashu1024 57. 4gb 下载方式 pikpak 有无打码 无首发自购. 1 加錢哥深夜年輕嫩妹 shared by 1ftvelkg. 윤에르 porn

유하 그라비아 Hdsdの西洋童顏豪乳嫩妹擺弄假屌粘貼於胸前／金發美乳主播乳交塞跳蛋俯身後入啪啪等 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. Com › pikpakpikpak资源 牛c网niuc. 介绍资源名称： 推特萝莉嫩妹『优米』逼脸同框裸舞自摸合集资源大小 97v+22. 种子特征码 3bce96244726cebff185b5ed8625032cf0d3dd72 发布日期 20251101 文件大小 509. Pikpak极品嫩妹美少女小鱼很开心合集32v47p 924m.

이구로 오바나이 죽음 Hd720pの倆足控怪咖套路骨感小嫩妹 深夜帶至酒店超長時間隨意把玩 束縛四肢邊啪邊加料 3v available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. 1 加錢哥深夜年輕嫩妹 shared by 1ftvelkg. Mp4 available for highspeed download on pikpak and streaming across multiple devices. Top › resource › 12511pikpak直播 nide_xiaogou 极品高颜嫩妹诱惑热舞6v6. Com › thread4341311pikpak《台湾情侣泄密》刺青美女和男友之间的私密视讯四点全露被曝.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.