Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

amazonで仲根なのか, 中山雅文の仲根なのか 愛なのか、iなのか 週刊ポストデジタル写真集。アマゾンならポイント還元本が多数。一度購入いただいた電子書籍は、kindleおよびfire端末、スマートフォンやタブレットなど、様々な端末でもお楽しみいただけます。. 茨城県出身┊グラビア┊groomer in training ✂️. 仲根 なのか @nakane_nanoka. 仲根 なのか （なかね なのか、 2001年 7月7日 1 ）は、日本の グラビアアイドル 、 タレント。 茨城県 出身 1。 アルシエルプロモーション、 アイエス・フィールド 4 、 サンミュージックプロダクション 15 所属を経て、現在はnew pieceと業務提携 6。.

オークション 仲根なのか 「私と契約しませんか 」 1月新作 d.. 仲根なのかなかねなのかのプロフィール。芸能人、タレントの画像・写真・動画・tvテレビ 映画 ドラマ 出演番組・スケジュール・snsをまとめてチェック。茨城県出身。2001年7月7日生まれ。かに座。グラビアアイドル。「4代目サンスポgogoクイーン」。趣味はサウナ。特技はアクロバット。..

Fantrie Free

新品同様 dvd 仲根なのか「私と契約しませんか？ 」20260128発売 最新作 スパイスビジュアル 送料無料・匿名配送 前回から4%下げて出品中 送料無料 匿名配送 即決 2,380円（税0円） 送料 無料. amazonで仲根なのか, 中山雅文の仲根なのか 愛なのか、iなのか 週刊ポストデジタル写真集。アマゾンならポイント還元本が多数。一度購入いただいた電子書籍は、kindleおよびfire端末、スマートフォンやタブレットなど、様々な端末でもお楽しみいただけます。. Days ago 商品の説明 icupバストと軟体で大人気のグラビアアイドル仲根なのかがスパイスビジュアルに登場。 豊満なお胸にくびれたウエストのメリハリボディは芸術的です。 あどけない笑顔と大人っぽい表情のギャップでドキドキさせちゃいます。 審査番号2513092p.

Fc2 강아지녀

Fc2 북마크

なかね なのか仲根 なのか近代麻雀水着祭（2024年9月21日）プロフィール別名義愛萌 なの（旧芸名）生年月日2001年7月7日現年齢24歳出身地 日本・茨城県血液型b型1公称サイ. Hours ago 北東北最大のクチコミサイト爆サイ. 今までどれだけ暇だったんだろうと思い知らされる毎日 そしてみんなの気持ちがより一層わかるようになったよ。みんな本当に毎日えらいよね. なかね なのか仲根 なのか近代麻雀水着祭（2024年9月21日）プロフィール別名義愛萌 なの（旧芸名）生年月日2001年7月7日現年齢24歳出身地 日本・茨城県血液型b型1公称サイ, 仲根なのか ゆるふわbomb♡（動画＆アザーカット付き）, Days ago dvd通販の数量限定私と契約しませんか？仲根なのかチェキ付き詳細ページ。出演者は、仲根なのか。新作予約dvd.

Fc2-ppv-4768873

現在 2,000円 new 仲根なのか 「私と契約しませんか.. 仲根なのか🌷 @nakanenanoka.. 仲根なのか🌷 @naanonaano3 posts x..

『仲根なのか写真集』既刊・関連作品一覧 講談社, Gold › gravure › article贅沢試し読み仲根なのか『ふわキュン vol. 仲根なのか hitsヒッツ ファースト トレカ レギュラーカードコンプ 全81種＋特典カード2枚 b・d／計83枚☆箱付き 即決 出品数4 はこの中で 16 番目に高額です 安価な順で上位18%に入るためお買い得の品かもしれません 💴 平均落札価格 2,098 円, 茨城県出身┊グラビア┊groomer in training ✂️ おつなの 🗣️2月1日日14時〜 ソフマップakiba店さんにてリリースイベントがあります！！ 本日発売 『週刊goodspress.

仲根 なのか （なかね なのか、 2001年 7月7日 1 ）は、日本の グラビアアイドル 、 タレント。 茨城県 出身 1。 アルシエルプロモーション、 アイエス・フィールド 4 、 サンミュージックプロダクション 15 所属を経て、現在はnew pieceと業務提携 6。. Jp › person › 2000084413仲根なのかのプロフィール・画像・写真 webザテレビジョン, 仲根なのか🌷 @nakanenanoka, Hours ago この姿勢が、彼女を一層魅力的な存在にしているのです。 これからの活動にも期待が高まります。 仲根なのかさんの魅力は、ただのビジュアルに留まらず、彼女自身の個性や表現力にも大いに起因しています。.

fc2ppv-3665460 仲根なのかさんの写真を先着5名だけ購入可能！あなただけに向けたメッセージ付きの写真が送られてきます！ only five. 茨城県出身┊グラビア┊groomer in training ✂️. 仲根なのかなかねなのかのプロフィール。芸能人、タレントの画像・写真・動画・tvテレビ 映画 ドラマ 出演番組・スケジュール・snsをまとめてチェック。茨城県出身。2001年7月7日生まれ。かに座。グラビアアイドル。「4代目サンスポgogoクイーン」。趣味はサウナ。特技はアクロバット。. 仲根 なのか（なかね なのか、2001年7月7日 ）は、日本のグラビアアイドル、タレント。茨城県出身。アルシエルプロモーション、アイエス・フィールド、サンミュージック. 結果 仲根なのか 私と契約しませんか？ dvd 仲根なのか なのかなのdvd 仲根なのか 愛なのか、iなのか 週刊ポストデジタル写真集 仲根なのか 愛なのか、iなのか. fc2 뒤치기

fc2ppv4479791 現在 2,000円 new 仲根なのか 「私と契約しませんか. 愛くるしい大きな瞳とふんわりバスト・・・2024年は彼女で決まりなの！ 最上級のギャップボディの持ち主仲根なのかちゃんの初トレカ発売決定！ 22歳の等身大のかわいらしさ. 仲根 なのか （なかね なのか、 2001年 7月7日 1 ）は、日本の グラビアアイドル 、 タレント。 茨城県 出身 1。 アルシエルプロモーション、 アイエス・フィールド 4 、 サンミュージックプロダクション 15 所属を経て、現在はnew pieceと業務提携 6。. Days ago 圧倒的な透明感と、見る者を包み込むような優しく整ったヴィジュアルで絶大な支持を集める仲根なのか（@naanonaano3）さんが、2026年1月25日の午後5時11分、自身のx（旧ツイッター）を更新。. バスト100センチでiカップなのにスレンダー！ まさにグラマラスなグラビアアイドル・仲根なのかが登場。絶世のスタイル美女の、ふだんは見られないオフの日. fc2 3363283

fapello.to 仲根なのか なかねなのかのプロフィール。 芸能人、タレントの画像・写真・動画・tv テレビ 映画 ドラマ 出演番組・スケジュール・snsをまとめてチェック。 茨城県出身。 2001年7月7日生まれ。 かに座。 グラビアアイドル。 「4代目サンスポgogoクイーン」。. 仲根なのかの作品一覧 unext 31日間無料トライアル. 仲根なのか🌷 @naanonaano3 posts x. なかね なのか仲根 なのか近代麻雀水着祭（2024年9月21日）プロフィール別名義愛萌 なの（旧芸名）生年月日2001年7月7日現年齢24歳出身地 日本・茨城県血液型b型1公称サイ. 仲根なのかのグラビア・デジタル写真集なら『週プレ グラジャパ！ 』。 週プレデジタル版や5,000冊以上のデジタル写真集、お得な定額メニュー「週プレ プラス！ 」も！ グラジャパ！ でしか楽しめないグラビアコンテンツを毎日公開中！. fc2 milf

fantrie 샤머호 仲根なのかのグラビア・デジタル写真集なら『週プレ グラジャパ！ 』。 週プレデジタル版や5,000冊以上のデジタル写真集、お得な定額メニュー「週プレ プラス！ 」も！ グラジャパ！ でしか楽しめないグラビアコンテンツを毎日公開中！. 今までどれだけ暇だったんだろうと思い知らされる毎日 そしてみんなの気持ちがより一層わかるようになったよ。みんな本当に毎日えらいよね. 2026年最新仲根なのかの人気アイテム メルカリ. 223 likes, 13 comments nakane_nanoka on febru 現役復帰するのかなと感じるようなトレーニングだったけど、私の筋トレ不足😂 フォームを崩さず効かせたいところにしっかり アプローチするにはやはりパーソナル💪 自分ではこんなに頑張れない、、、 引き続き頑張ます☺🔥 gravitygym. 100センチのiカップバストを持ちながら、スレンダー。絶世のスタイル美女・仲根なのかのデジタル写真集が発売中。 ちょっとズボラな寝起き姿から、ビシッと決めての彼氏とのデートまで、様.

fc2-ppv-702535 Jp › category › 仲根なのか仲根なのか 被写体図鑑 ポトレ. 新品同様 dvd 仲根なのか「私と契約しませんか？ 」20260128発売 最新作 スパイスビジュアル 送料無料・匿名配送 前回から4%下げて出品中 送料無料 匿名配送 即決 2,380円（税0円） 送料 無料. 31日間無料トライアル実施中「仲根なのか」の作品一覧です。映画 ドラマ アニメ 電子書籍を観るならunext。豊富な作品の中からお好きな作品を見つけて、是非お. オークション 仲根なのか 「私と契約しませんか 」 dvd特典 a. Hours ago この姿勢が、彼女を一層魅力的な存在にしているのです。 これからの活動にも期待が高まります。 仲根なのかさんの魅力は、ただのビジュアルに留まらず、彼女自身の個性や表現力にも大いに起因しています。.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.