Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › pinksalonピンサロの仕事内容と給料を解説！パパ活とどちらが稼げるかも比較！. コラム：ピンサロっていつからあるの？ ピンサロは、 戦後に生まれたソフト風俗の代表格 です。 1956年に「売春防止法」が施行され、本番行為を伴う売春が禁止されたことで、. 2017年11月9日 2023年12月14日. ピンサロの時給相場 ピンサロの平均的な基準と言えるのが「時給2,500円」です。 安いお店では2,000円。 女性の平均年齢の高い店では1,000円台の場合もあります。 どんなに高額でも3,000円位が上限かも知れません。 時給はお店・年齢などで変わる.

時給制の風俗店も一部ある 一部の風俗店では、時給制を設けているところもあります！ たとえば ピンサロやおっパブなどは、時給でお給料がもらえるケースが多いです。 風俗業界の中では決して高い時給とはいえません。.. 時給制の業種はピンサロのみ！ 稼げないと嫌なので、時給制の風俗店ってありますか？ 時給保証のある店を紹介して頂きたいです。 というお問い合わせを頂くことが多いのですが、 風俗業界の中で時給制の業種はピンサロ ピンクサロンのみです。.. 1時間働いて2,500円～4,000円という時給制を採用しているお店がほとんどです。 お給料の仕組みは、時給＋接客バック＋指名バックという形で計算されます。 ピンサロの仕事内容.. ピンサロの時給相場 ピンサロの平均的な基準と言えるのが「時給2,500円」です。 安いお店では2,000円。 女性の平均年齢の高い店では1,000円台の場合もあります。 どんなに高額でも3,000円位が上限かも知れません。 時給はお店・年齢などで変わる..

이태원 홍대 클럽 디시

이하늬 야동

Jp › pinsarokyujin › pinsalojikyuピンサロの時給制と歩合制を徹底解説｜バックの仕組み・相場・稼げる. 大塚のピンサロの時給は、2,000円から2,500円が多いです。 しかし中には おっパブは少なくても時給は4千円からと、ピンサロより高い時給です。. お給料は時給制です。 メリットとしては性的サービスはないに関わらず高収入が得れるといった点です、デメリットとしては時給なので稼げる額に限界があるといったところでしょうか。 収入は時給制で平均時給5,000円といったところです。. という場合はこのシステムが採用されています。 ちなみに指名手当はパネル指名の場合と本指名の場合で違います。 ピンサロ嬢の日給平均と月給平均 ピンサロで働く女の子の日給平均は勤務時間にもよりますが、現在は10,000円～が相場です。.

クラブ サンクチュアリ 錦糸町・亀戸風俗求人 ピンサロ求人 こだわり一覧 個室待機 自宅待機 送迎あり 寮宿泊施設 託児所 主婦歓迎 アリバイ 社会保険 生理休暇 女性店長 給与保証 日払い 短期ok 月1ok 出張面接 講習なし 女性講習員, 『charites～カリテス～』は、集客力に自信を持つという人気のピンサロ店。 平日でも1日に3ケタのお客様が来るらしいので、待機時間がほとんど無いのだとか。 無駄な時間が無いというのは主婦や兼業の方にも大きいメリットではないでしょうか。, Com › magazine › columnピンサロでのバイト、時給はどのくらい？ ぴゅあじょdiary. Com › fuzoku › fuzokukyujinピンクサロン ピンサロとは？現役風俗嬢が仕事内容・給料など疑問点, Jp › knowhow › guideピンサロ66店舗の給料から分かった平均時給2020年最新版 ｜風俗未. 保存版風俗のお給料を徹底解説｜業種別のお給料バックも紹介 20250117 風俗業界 エステ オナクラ ソープ デリヘル バック ピンサロ ホテヘル 給料 風俗.

이바라키 데리헤루

お茶を引くとは、風俗業界で「お給料0」という意味を指します。 ピンクサロンでは、お給料が時給制で支払われます。 つまり、その日に店舗の客入りが悪かったり指名のお客様がご来店されなかったりしても、時給分のお給料は支払われるということです。.. Com › guide › 2853ピンサロの仕事内容や給料相場は？クセの強いお客さんが多い？向いて..

Jp › 44ピンサロ嬢の時給・給料 月給・仕事内容を徹底解説｜風俗求人・高収. Com › magazine › columnピンサロでのバイト、時給はどのくらい？ ぴゅあじょdiary, 時給制は1時間に決められた定額を貰えるため、待機中にもお給料は発生します。 時給3500円〜4000円くらいが相場なので、ピンサロと同じくらいの費用感ですね。 お客さんが来なくても、時給制なので給料に差し支えないのが特徴。. 1時間働いて2,500円～4,000円という時給制を採用しているお店がほとんどです。 お給料の仕組みは、時給＋接客バック＋指名バックという形で計算されます。 ピンサロの仕事内容. 募集年齢：18歳〜（高校生不可）30代前半まで活躍中！ 体入時給：3,500円～本入店後は時給9,000円も可能！ 環境：採用率99%、完全自由出勤. 都会：3,000～5,000円 風俗のほとんどの業種は完全歩合制ですが、ピンサロの場合は多くが時給制です。 地方と都会で時給差はありますが、都会でも「激安ピンサロ」もあるので一括りに都会だから時給が高いとは決まっていません。 日給や月給の相場.

이와아

이안 Erome

ピンサロの仕事内容はどこまでやるの？ 昔はピンサロのお仕事内容はフェラがメインでした。 ピンサロでは、ヘルスのように1人の女性が1人のお客様を個室で接客するマンツーマンサービスではなく、 複数の女性が順番に接客 する場合があります。. ドリンクバックや指名バックが多い女性は、100万円以上稼ぐことも可能 ピンサロの平均的な日給は約2万円〜3万円から稼ぐ子はかなり稼ぎます 時給の相場は2,500円〜4,000円でここに指名バックなどの歩合給が発生します 基本的に生フェラで抜かせます, 一方、ピンサロの給料相場は比較的少なく、平均時給は2,500〜4,000円となります。 しかし、ピンサロもセクキャバ同様に指名が入ればバックが加算されるシステムが存在します。, Net › mediaピンサロ嬢のお給料を解説！時給の相場や月給の計算方法を大公開 風.

이하늬 윤계상 실루엣 사진 Com › fuzoku › fuzokukyujinピンクサロン ピンサロとは？現役風俗嬢が仕事内容・給料など疑問点. 1時間働いて2,500円～4,000円という時給制を採用しているお店がほとんどです。 お給料の仕組みは、時給＋接客バック＋指名バックという形で計算されます。 ピンサロの仕事内容. Jp › pinsarokyujin › pinsalojikyuピンサロの時給制と歩合制を徹底解説｜バックの仕組み・相場・稼げる. ピンサロのお給料は少し前までは歩合制が多かったですが、今は時給制のお店が増えているのが特徴です。 「頑張ったら頑張った分だけ」稼ぎやすいのが. ピンサロの時給はお店によって異なりますが、平均的な時給としては、2,500円から4,500円あたりが相場とされています。read more. 이재명 아들 디시

이주은 맨발 Com › magazine › columnピンサロでのバイト、時給はどのくらい？ ぴゅあじょdiary. 1時間働いて2,500円～4,000円という時給制を採用しているお店がほとんどです。 お給料の仕組みは、時給＋接客バック＋指名バックという形で計算されます。 ピンサロの仕事内容. Jp › pinsarokyujin › pinsalojikyuピンサロの時給制と歩合制を徹底解説｜バックの仕組み・相場・稼げる. ＞ピンサロの給料てどういうシステムなの？ 一般的には、時給＋歩合制です。 時給は、労働基準法で決まっていますからね。 タダという訳には、いきません。 そして、1本当たり「なんぼ」です。 1本でも延長があれば、延長料金「なんぼ」ですね。. Com › magazine › columnピンサロでのバイト、時給はどのくらい？ ぴゅあじょdiary. 이찬 오빠 멋있어 나무위키

이해인 onlyfans Com › beginner_blog › 2533ピンサロの仕事内容・給料相場（時給・日給・月給）を徹底解説！ – ri. 2017年11月9日 2023年12月14日. 2017年11月9日 2023年12月14日. ピンサロのお給料について ピンサロは他の風俗と違ってお給料が「時給制」であることがほとんどです。 時給は平均すると「3,000～4,000円」ほど で、1日にあまり接客できなかったとしても安定的にお給料がもらえるのは大きな魅力ですね。. ピンサロの給料って、実際どのくらいもらえるのか気になるよね？ 未経験でも本当に稼げるの？ って疑問に思ってる子、多いと思う。 10年以上この世界で働いて1億円以上稼いできた私が、リアルな給料事情を全部教えるね。. 이희루 야짤

이주은 짤 ＞ピンサロの給料てどういうシステムなの？ 一般的には、時給＋歩合制です。 時給は、労働基準法で決まっていますからね。 タダという訳には、いきません。 そして、1本当たり「なんぼ」です。 1本でも延長があれば、延長料金「なんぼ」ですね。. Com › industry_blog › 2376ヘルス嬢の給料相場｜日給や月給の平均収入やバック率など一挙公開！. Com › pinksalonピンサロの仕事内容と給料を解説！パパ活とどちらが稼げるかも比較！. 「ピンサロピンクサロンはどのくらい稼げるの？」と気になっていませんか。 結論を言うと、今回の調査で「ピンサロは平均で時給4312円稼げる」ということが分かりました。1時間3000円や4000円は安く、5000円以上でようやく高時給と言えるでしょう。今回はピンサロの給料についてお届けし. ピンサロ求人一覧。関東 毎日1100～2330の間で1日2時間～ok！ 給与 日給50,000円以上 ※最大時給10,000円可※送迎無料※保証時給あり※指名ボーナスあり.

이이경 폭로자 인스타 給与保証あり 東京のピンサロ求人：高収入風俗バイトは. ピンサロ求人一覧。関東 毎日1100～2330の間で1日2時間～ok！ 給与 日給50,000円以上 ※最大時給10,000円可※送迎無料※保証時給あり※指名ボーナスあり. コラム：ピンサロっていつからあるの？ ピンサロは、 戦後に生まれたソフト風俗の代表格 です。 1956年に「売春防止法」が施行され、本番行為を伴う売春が禁止されたことで、. Jp › pinsarokyujin › pinsalojikyuピンサロの時給制と歩合制を徹底解説｜バックの仕組み・相場・稼げる. セクキャバ, 3,000〜5,000円時間.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.