Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

75키로던 초등학생 시절 62키로까지 빼 본게 처음이자 마지막 다이어트 성공. jm가정의학과 @jm_family_medicine 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 소아비만. 근데 살면서 한번도 다이어트 시도를 안해봐서 성공한거같음. 비만이 해소되지 않고 오히려 유지되는 경우가 많습니다.

야동 감예봉

애널롱 5성급 호텔

암웨이 제품의 가격표

Net › diet › 3289406910더쿠 소아비만 출신 정체기면 웨이트해야해.. 어른의 경우 bmi라고 하는 체질량지수를 가지고 판단합니다.. 근데 살면서 한번도 다이어트 시도를 안해봐서 성공한거같음..

애액 분출

과식과 운동 부족이 주된 원인이지만 쿠싱 증후군 따위의 질병으로 인한 경우도 있는데, 대부분은 약 6세 이전에 나타나며, 그중의 약 3분의 2는 비만 성인이 될 위험이 있다. 모태 통통으로 평생 살아본 입장으로서 진짜 소아비만 조심해야됨, Net › square › 3869643977더쿠 소아비만 소리에 충격받은 심형탁 아들 하루.

또래 친구들의 평균 체질량지수 대비 어느정도 수준에 있는지를 확인합니다. Net › square › 3907588035더쿠 성인비만우울증 유발 소아비만 10년만에 급증&mldr. 이전엔 모자라서 두세번씩 더 퍼왔는데. 대한비만학회 통계발표, 10년간 전연령대서 비만 유병률 증가 내장지방 많을수록 불안과 우울 증상. 지난 2년동안 코로나19의 대유행으로 어른 뿐만아니라 어린이들도 집안에 머무는 시간이 늘면서 비만이 급증했다, 백분위수를 기준으로 8094%에 해당한다면 과체중 95% 이상이면 비만이라고 할 수 있습니다.

소아비만은 지방간, 당뇨, 고혈압 등 만성질환으로 악화될 수 있으며 특히 소아청소년비만은 체내지방세포의 성장방식 차이로 성인비만보다 더 위험할 수 있다는 것이 전문가들의 설명이다. Com › @jm_family_medicine › video소아비만, 과식과 운동 부족이 주된 원인이지만 쿠싱 증후군 따위의 질병으로 인한 경우도 있는데, 대부분은 약 6세 이전에 나타나며, 그중의 약 3분의 2는 비만 성인이 될 위험이 있다, 현재 나이는 20대 중반이고 160중반 키에 딱 100kg 찍었어. 75키로던 초등학생 시절 62키로까지 빼 본게 처음이자 마지막 다이어트 성공.

홍용희 대한비만학회 소아청소년이사 순천향대부천병원 소아청소년과 교수는 7일 서울 여의도 콘래드호텔에서 열린 ‘대한비만학회 보험정책 심포지엄’에서 전 세계적으로 소아청소년 비만이 증가하고 있다면서 특히 고도비만 bmi체질량지수 30.. 20대 아니고 중년 이후에도 다이어트 성공한 경우가 있기는 할까.. 최근 소아비만은 청소년의 30% 이상 발생하는 가장 흔한 질환이 됐다..

알펜루트

훙용희 순천향대 부천병원 소아청소년과 교수 공동 연구팀이 ‘ncd 위험 요소 협력’의 청소년 비만율 데이터를 활용해 2010년부터 2022년까지 동아시아 4개국의 519세 소아청소년 비만율을 비교 분석했다. 최근 소아비만은 청소년의 30% 이상 발생하는 가장 흔한 질환이 됐다, 애기 너무 귀여워 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 아마 애기가 소아비만을 알아들은 건 아니지만 주변 사람들이 소아비만. 훙용희 순천향대 부천병원 소아청소년과 교수 공동 연구팀이 ‘ncd 위험 요소 협력’의 청소년 비만율 데이터를 활용해 2010년부터 2022년까지 동아시아 4개국의 519세 소아청소년 비만율을 비교 분석했다.

알리 전기면도기 디시 소아 비만은 어린 시절부터 시작되는 건강 문제로, 이후 성인 비만과 다양한 합병증으로 이어질 수 있습니다. 소아비만은 의학적으로 보통 유아기에서 사춘기까지의 연령대에서 체중이 키별 체중보다 20% 이상인 경우를 말한다. Net › square › 2381209988더쿠 코로나19로 소아비만 늘어나니 성조숙증 환아도 폭증. ️ 소아비만의 정의와 진단 소아비만은 일반적으로 체질량지수 bmi를 기준으로 진단합니다. 첫째, 성인에서의 비만치료는 체중감량에 목적을 두지만, 비만아동에서는 체중의 감량이 아니라 비만도의 감소를 목표로 하여야 합니다. 야마기시 아이카 품번

안토넬라 로쿠조 디시 소아비만 출신에 고도비만인 덬이야 소아비만은 진짜 큰마음 안 먹으면 다이어트가 쉽지 않아서 거의 평생 다이어트 했다 말았다의 인생이었지. Net › diet › 3289406910더쿠 소아비만 출신 정체기면 웨이트해야해. 그 중 유전이 중요하다고 알고 있는 경우도 많습니다. 특히, 남자아이의 증가세는 전 세계 유례가 없을 정도다. 성장기때 맞물려서 비만이라서 지방세포 자체가. 암웨이 가족

애마 엑기스 실제로 부모 양쪽이 비만이 경우에서는 70% 이상의 소아 비만 발생률이 있으며 부모 한쪽이 비만인 경우는 30% 이상의 발생률이 있다는 조사가 있습니다. 오리지널 사운드 jm메디컬레시피 jm가정의학과. 특히, 남자아이의 증가세는 전 세계 유례가 없을 정도다. 소아비만은 지방간, 당뇨, 고혈압 등 만성질환으로 악화될 수 있으며 특히 소아청소년비만은 체내지방세포의 성장방식 차이로 성인비만보다 더 위험할 수 있다는 것이 전문가들의 설명이다. 소아비만 초고도비만 루트인 덬들 있어. 애니 여캐 발

알플레이 앙뭉 소아비만으로부터 성인때까지 비만이 이어져온 사람은 살 빼기도 힘들고 빼더라도 도로 찌기 쉽다던데 그건 정말 맞는말인듯ㅇㅇ 뭐 아무튼 그렇게 한달간의 pt를 끝내고 그 이후로는 나 혼자서 운동을 했는데. 최근 소아비만은 청소년의 30% 이상 발생하는 가장 흔한 질환이 됐다. 올해 초 국제 학술지 플로스 원 plos one에 실린 인제대 상계백병원 연구팀의 분석에 따르면 20082020년 남자아이의 성조숙증 유병률은 10만 명당 1. 성장기때 맞물려서 비만이라서 지방세포 자체가. Com › @jm_family_medicine › video소아비만.

야스 이상형 월드컵 실제로 소아비만의 80%가 성인비만으로 이어진다고 하니 어릴 때일수록 더욱 관리를 잘 해주어야 해요. 소아비만이고 성인되고 나서 첨 다이어트함. jm가정의학과 @jm_family_medicine 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 소아비만. Net › square › 3613001568더쿠 여남소아청소년 비만 증가 추이. 실제로 소아비만의 80%가 성인비만으로 이어진다고 하니 어릴 때일수록 더욱 관리를 잘 해주어야 해요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.